Albert Camus’
THE REBEL
An Essay on Man in Revolt
A revised and complete translation
of L’HOMME
RÉVOLTÉ
by Anthony Bower
Digital Electronic Transcription by John O’Loughlin
Transcription Copyright © 2023 Centretruths Digital Media
*
For Jean Grenier
And openly I pledged my heart to the grave and
suffering land, and often in the consecrated night, I promised to love her
faithfully until death, unafraid, with her heavy burden of fatality, and never
to despise a single one of her enigmas.
Thus did I join myself to her with a mortal cord.
HÖLDERLIN:
The
Death of Empedocles
________________
Introduction
*
There are
crimes of passion and crimes of logic.
The boundary between them is not clearly defined. But the Penal Code makes the convenient distinction
of premeditation. We are living in the
era of premeditation and the perfect crime.
Our criminals are no longer helpless children who could plead love as
their excuse. On the contrary, they are
adults and they have a perfect alibi: philosophy, which can be used for any
purpose – even for transforming murderers into judges.
Heathcliff,
in
This is
not the place for indignation. The
purpose of this essay is once again to face the reality of the present, which
is logical crime, and to examine meticulously the arguments by which it is justified;
it is an attempt to understand the times in which we live. One might think that a period which, in a
space of fifty years, uproots, enslaves, or kills
seventy million human beings should be condemned out of hand. But its culpability must still be understood. In more ingenuous times, when the tyrant
razed cities for his own greater glory, when the slave chained to the
conqueror’s chariot was dragged through the rejoicing streets, when enemies
were thrown to the wild beasts in front of the assembled people, the mind did
not reel before such unabashed crimes, and judgement remained unclouded. But slave camps under the flag of freedom,
massacres justified by philanthropy or by a taste for the superhuman, in one sense
cripple judgement. On the day when crime
dons the apparel of innocence – through a curious transposition peculiar to our
times – it is innocence that is called upon to justify itself. The ambition of this essay is to accept and
examine this strange challenge.
Our
purpose is to find out whether innocence, the moment it becomes involved in
action, can avoid committing murder. We
can only act in terms of our own time, among the people who surround us. We shall know nothing until we know whether
we have the right to kill our fellow men, or the right to let them be
killed. In that every action today leads
to murder, direct or indirect, we cannot act until we know whether or why we
have the right to kill.
The
important thing, therefore, is not, as yet, to go to the root of things, but,
the world being what it is, to know how to live in it. In the age of negation, it was of some avail
to examine one’s position concerning suicide.
In the age of ideologies, we must examine our position in relation to
murder. If murder has rational
foundations, then are period and we ourselves are
rationally consequent. If it has no
rational foundations, then we are insane and there is no alternative but to
find some justification or to avert our faces.
It is incumbent upon us, at all events, to give a definite answer to the
question implicit in the blood and strife of this century [20th
century]. For we are
being put to the rack. Thirty
years ago, before reaching a decision to kill, people denied many things, to
the point of denying themselves by suicide. God is deceitful; the whole world (myself
included) is deceitful; therefore I choose to die: suicide was the problem
then. Ideology today is concerned only
with the denial of other human beings, who alone bear the responsibility of
deceit. It is then that we kill. Each day at dawn, assassins in judges’ robes
slip into some cell: murder is the problem today.
The two
arguments are inextricably bound together.
Or rather they bind us, and so firmly that we can no longer choose our
own problems. They choose us, one after
another, and we have no alternative but to accept their choice. This essay proposes, in the face of murder
and rebellion, to pursue a train of thought which began with suicide and the
idea of the absurd.
But, for
the moment, this train of thought yields only one concept: that of the
absurd. And the concept of the absurd
leads only to a contradiction as far as the problem of murder is
concerned. Awareness of the absurd, when
we first claim to deduce a rule of behaviour from it, makes murder seem a
matter of indifference, to say the least, and hence possible. If we believe in nothing, if nothing has any
meaning and if we can affirm no values whatsoever, then everything is possible
and nothing has any importance. There is
no pro or con: the murderer is neither right nor wrong. We are free to stoke the crematory fires or
to devote ourselves to the care of lepers.
Evil and virtue are mere chance or caprice.
We shall
then decide not to act at all, which amounts to at least accepting the murder
of others, with perhaps certain mild reservations about the imperfection of the
human race. Again we may decide to
substitute tragic dilettantism for action, and in this case human lives become
counters in a game. Finally, we may
propose to embark on some course of action which is not entirely
gratuitous. In the latter case, in that
we have no higher values to guide our behaviour, our aim will be immediate
efficacy. Since nothing is either true or false, good or bad, our guiding principle
will be to demonstrate that we are the most efficient – in other words, the
strongest. Then the world will no longer
be divided into the just and the unjust, but into masters and slaves. Thus, whichever way we turn, in our abyss of
negation and nihilism, murder has its privileged position.
Hence, if
we claim to adopt the absurdist attitude, we must prepare ourselves to commit
murder, thus admitting that logic is more important than scruples that we
consider illusory. Of course, we must
have some predisposition to murder. But, on the whole, less than might be supposed, to judge from
experience. Moreover, it is
always possible, as we can so often observe, to delegate murder. Everything would then be made to conform to
logic – if logic could really be satisfied in this way.
But logic
cannot be satisfied by an attitude which first demonstrates that murder is
possible and then that it is impossible.
For after having proved that the act of murder is at least a matter of
indifference, absurdist analysis, in its most important deduction, finally
condemns murder. The final conclusion of
absurdist reasoning is, in fact, the repudiation of suicide and the acceptance
of the desperate encounter between human inquiry and the silence of the
universe. Suicide would mean the end of
this encounter, and absurdist reasoning considers that it could not consent to
this without negating its own premises.
According to absurdist reasoning, such a solution would be the
equivalent of flight or deliverance. But
it is obvious that absurdism hereby admits that human life is the only
necessary good since it is precisely life that makes this encounter possible
and since, without life, the absurdist wager would have no basis. To say that life is absurd, the conscience
must be alive. How is it possible,
without making remarkable concessions to one’s desire for comfort, to preserve
exclusively for oneself the benefits of such a process of reasoning? From the moment that life is recognized as
good, it becomes good for all men. Murder
cannot be made coherent when suicide is not considered coherent. A mind imbued with the idea of the absurd
will undoubtedly accept fatalistic murder; but it would never accept calculated
murder. In terms of the encounter
between human inquiry and the silence of the universe, murder and suicide are one and the same thing, and must be accepted or rejected
together.
Equally,
absolute nihilism, which accepts suicide as legitimate, leads, even more
easily, to logical murder. If our age
admits, with equanimity, that murder has its justifications,
it is because of this indifference to life which is the mark of nihilism. Of course there have been periods of history
in which the passion for life was so strong that it burst forth in criminal
excesses. But these excesses were like
the searing flame of a terrible delight.
They were not this monotonous order of things established by an
impoverished logic in whose eyes everything is equal. This logic has carried the values of suicide,
on which our age has been nurtured, to their extreme logical consequence, which
is legalized murder. It culminates, at
the same time, in mass suicide. The most
striking demonstration of this was provided by the Hitlerian apocalypse of
1945. Self-destruction meant nothing to
those madmen, in their bomb-shelters, who were preparing for their own death
and apotheosis. All that mattered was
not to destroy oneself alone and to drag a whole world
with one. In a way, the man who kills
himself in solitude still preserves certain values since he, apparently, claims
no rights over the lives of others. The
proof of this is that he never makes use, in order to dominate others, of the
enormous power and freedom of action which his decision to die gives him. Every solitary suicide, when it is not an act
of resentment, is, in some way, either generous or contemptuous. But one feels contemptuous in the name of
something. If the world is a matter of
indifference to the man who commits suicide, it is because he has an idea of
something that is not or could not be indifferent to him. He believes that he is destroying everything
or taking everything with him; but from this act of self-destruction itself a
value arises which, perhaps, might have made it worth while to live. Absolute negation is therefore not
consummated by suicide. It can only be
consummated by absolute destruction, of oneself and of others. Or, at least, it can only be lived by
striving toward that delectable goal.
Here suicide and murder are two aspects of a single system, the system
of a misguided intelligence that prefers, to the suffering imposed by a limited
situation, the dark victory in which heaven and earth are annihilated.
By the
same token, if we deny that there are reasons for suicide, we cannot claim that
there are grounds for murder. There are
no half-measures about nihilism.
Absurdist reasoning cannot defend the continued existence of its
spokesman and, simultaneously, accept the sacrifice of others’ lives. The moment that we recognize the
impossibility of absolute negation – and merely to be alive is to recognize
this – the very first thing that cannot be denied is the right of others to
live. This the same idea which allowed
us to believe that murder was a matter of indifference now proceeds to deprive
it of any justification; and we return to the untenable position from which we
were trying to escape. In actual fact,
this form of reasoning assures us at the same time that we can kill and that we
cannot kill. It abandons us in this
contradiction with no grounds either for preventing or for justifying murder,
menacing and menaced, swept along with a whole generation intoxicated by
nihilism, and yet lost in loneliness, with weapons in our hands and a lump in
our throats.
This basic
contradiction, however, cannot fail to be accompanied by a host of others from
the moment that we claim to remain firmly in the absurdist position and ignore
the real nature of the absurd, which is that it is an experience to be lived
through, a point of departure, the equivalent, in
existence, of Descartes’s methodical doubt.
The absurd is, in itself, contradiction.
It is
contradictory in its content because, in wanting to uphold life, it excludes
all value judgements, when to live is, in itself, a value judgement. To breathe is to judge. Perhaps it is untrue to say that life is a
perpetual choice. But it is true that it
is impossible to imagine a life deprived of all choice. From this simplified point of view, the
absurdist position, translated into action, is inconceivable. It is equally inconceivable when translated
into expression. Simply by being
expressed, it gives a minimum of coherence to incoherence, and introduces
consequence where, according to its own tenets, there is none. Speaking itself is restorative. The only coherent attitude based on
non-signification would be silence – if silence, in its turn, were not
significant. The absurd, in its purest
form, attempts to remain dumb. If it
finds its voice, it is because it has become complacent or, as we shall see,
because it considers itself provisional.
This complacency is an excellent indication of the profound ambiguity of
the absurdist position. In a certain
way, the absurd which claims to express man in his solitude, really makes him
live in front of a mirror. And then the
initial anguish runs the risk of turning to comfort. The wound that is scratched with such
solicitude ends by giving pleasure.
Great
explorers in the realm of absurdity have not been lacking. But, in the last analysis, their greatness is
measured by the extent to which they have rejected the complacencies of
absurdism in order to accept its exigencies.
They destroy as much, not at little, as they can. “My enemies,” says Nietzsche, “are those who
want to destroy without creating their own selves.” He himself destroys, but in order to try to
create. He extols integrity and
castigates the “hog-faced” pleasure-seekers.
To escape complacency, absurdist reasoning then discovers
renunciation. It refuses to be
sidetracked and emerges into a position of arbitrary barrenness – a
determination to be silent – which is expressed in the strange asceticism of
rebellion. Rimbaud, who extols “crime
pulling prettily in the mud of the streets,” runs away to Harrar only to
complain about having to live there without his family. Life for him was “a farce for the whole world
to perform.” But on the day of his
death, he cries out to his sister: “I shall lie beneath the ground but you, you
will walk in sun!”
The
absurd, considered as a rule of life, is therefore contradictory. What is astonishing about the fact that it
does not provide us with values which will enable us to decide whether murder
is legitimate or not? Moreover, it is
obviously impossible to formulate an attitude on the basis of a specially
selected emotion. The perception of the
absurd is one perception among many.
That it has coloured so many thoughts and actions between the two wars
only proves its power and its validity.
But the intensity of a perception does not necessarily mean that it is
universal. The error of a whole period
of history has been to enunciate – or to suppose already enunciated – general
rules of action founded on emotions of despair whose inevitable course, in that
they are emotions, is continually to exceed themselves. Great suffering and great happiness may be
found at the beginning of any process of reasoning. But it is impossible to rediscover or sustain
them throughout the entire process.
Therefore, if it was legitimate to take absurdist sensibility into account,
to make a diagnosis of a malady to be found in ourselves and in others, it is
nevertheless impossible to see in this sensibility, and in the nihilism it
presupposes, anything but a point of departure, a criticism brought to life –
the equivalent, in the plane of existence, of systematic doubt. After this, the mirror, with its fixed stare,
must be broken and we are, perforce, caught up in the irresistible movement by
which the absurd exceeds itself.
Once the
mirror is broken, nothing remains which can help us to answer the questions of
our time. Absurdism, like methodical
thought, has wiped the slate clean. It
leaves us in a blind alley. But, like
methodical doubt, it can, by returning upon itself, open up a new field of
investigation, and the process of reasoning then pursues the same course. I proclaim that I believe in nothing and that
everything is absurd, but I cannot doubt the validity of my proclamation and I
must at least believe in my protest. The
first and only evidence that is supplied to me, within the terms of the
absurdist experience, is rebellion.
Deprived of all knowledge, incited to murder or to consent to murder,
all I have at my disposal is this single piece of evidence, which is only reaffirmed
by the anguish I suffer. Rebellion is
born of the spectacle of irrationality, confronted with an unjust and
incomprehensible condition. But its
blind impulse is to demand order in the midst of chaos, and unity in the very
heart of the ephemeral. It protests, it
demands, it insists that the outrage be brought to an end, and that what has up
to now been built upon shifting sands should henceforth be founded on
rock. Its preoccupation is to
transform. But to transform is to act,
and to act will be, tomorrow, to kill, and it still does not know whether
murder is legitimate. Rebellion
engenders exactly the actions it is asked to legitimate. Therefore it is absolutely necessary that
rebellion find its reasons within itself, since it cannot find them
elsewhere. It must consent to examine
itself in order to learn how to act.
Two
centuries of rebellion, either metaphysical or historical, present themselves
for our consideration. Only a historian
could undertake to set forth in detail the doctrines and movements that have
followed one another during this period.
But at least it should be possible to find a guiding principle. The pages that follow only attempt to present
certain historical data and a working hypothesis. This hypothesis is not the only one possible;
moreover, it is far from explaining everything.
But it partly explains the direction in which our times are heading and
almost entirely explains the excesses of the age. The astonish history evoked here is the
history of European pride.
In any
event, the reasons for rebellion cannot be explained except in terms of an
inquiry into its attitudes, pretensions, and conquests. Perhaps we may discover it its achievements
the rule of action that the absurd has not been able to give us; an indication,
at least, about the right or the duty to kill and, finally, hope for new
creation. Man is the only creature who
refuses to be what he is. The problem is
to know whether this refusal can only lead to the destruction of himself and of others, whether all rebellion must end in the
justification of universal murder, or whether, on the contrary, without laying
claim to an innocence that is impossible, it can discover the principle of
reasonable culpability.