WHY I AM NOT PRO-REPUBLICAN
Although born in the Irish Republic and
technically an Irish citizen, I am not pro-republican but, rather, against what
I have long taken to be a manifestation of the divide-and-rule policy of the English
which manifests in the division of the green (catholic) from the orange
(dissenter) by the white (anglican) in the Irish tricolour, and which
precludes, through this division, the possibility of Irish unity.
It was always going to be only a matter of time
before the republican socialist aspirations of the Irish Free State or, more
correctly, the leaders of the 1916 Uprising would be eclipsed, following the
somewhat Spartan birth of the Republic, by a quasi-state-hegemonic sell-out to
the capitalist powers of the Anglo-American axis and its WASPish distaste for
such aspirations, never mind implementations.
But the contemporary Republic, whilst it may be
Anglo-Irish in character, has only succeeded, through greed and mismanagement,
in making a hash of its capitalist pretensions, thereby exchanging one failure
for another and compounding what was already an economically untenable not to
say perilous situation by falling between the two stools of the 'special
relationship' of the Anglo-American alliance on the one hand and
the German-dominated European Union on the other hand, neither of which can be
expected to offer a long-term solution to the perilous economic predicament in
which the Irish Republic now finds itself.
For Europe and America actually pull in
opposite directions, and Ireland is caught in the middle and effectively torn
apart by conflicting interests - the largely political interests of the
Franco-German alliance within the European Union and the mainly economic
interests of Britain at loggerheads with Europe within the Anglo-American
alliance.
Ireland is not only schizoid in relation to the
North, to the six counties of the Province of Ulster which technically fall
within the United Kingdom, but is also divided against itself within the so-called
South, the Republic of Ireland, whose twenty-six counties (including the 3 from
Ulster outside Northern Ireland) remain torn between the socialist aspirations
of the anti-Treaty faction (epitomized by Sinn Fein and what is now Fianna
Fail) and the pro-capitalist 'real politik' of the pro-Treaty faction
(including what is now Fine Gael), though one might be forgiven, these days,
for not detecting any great enthusiasm for republican socialism within all but
Sinn Fein and the more radical Independents or convinced Socialists, some of
whom are avowedly Marxist.
But the horns of the dilemma that divides the
Republic only makes it more likely that latter-day Ireland will tear itself
apart unless offered the prospect of a new ideology which, not being about the
consolidation of one kind of worldliness or another, socialist or capitalist,
republican or parliamentary, catholic or protestant, female or male, is rather
about an end to the world and its ethnic divisions through the establishment
and development of an otherworldly alternative which, were it to transpire, and
do so with the People's democratic consent, would represent the overcoming of
republicanism, in all its forms, and the institutionalization, under Social
Theocracy, the ideology in question, of what I call the Centre, a
politico-religious concept germane to my interpretation of 'Kingdom Come' and
an end, in consequence, not only to state divisions and antagonisms, but to
church divisions and antagonisms also, and even to the state/church dichotomy
that can manifest in either church-hegemonic/state-subordinate axial terms, as
with Catholic-derived republicanism, or state-hegemonic/church-subordinate
axial terms, as with Protestant-derived capitalism, thereby signifying an
Irish/British, South/North type division within Ireland between politics and
economics, republicanism and parliamentarianism on the one hand, that of
politics, and socialism and capitalism on the other hand, that of economics.
Progress cannot now - if ever it could before -
be achieved in either of these antithetical terms, and that is why a new
ideology, effectively synthetic in character, is absolutely necessary for
putting an end to the divisive dilemma confronting Ireland in this time of
crisis both internally and externally, in the recession-rocked world at large.
Social Theocracy can put an end to the
divide-and-rule policy which afflicts the Republic, as of Irish Republicanism
in general, but to do so it will need the support of the majority Irish people
in order that church-hegemonic/state-subordinate criteria can be stepped up
(resurrected) in a way and to a degree that could result in the deliverance of
the lapsed Catholic, fundamentally republican socialist masses from their
specific kind of worldly plight, itself divisible between chemical and
pseudo-physical, political and pseudo-economic gender positions, to
positions in metaphysics and pseudo-metachemistry, religion and pseudo-science,
commensurate with a Social Theocratic mode and degree of salvation and counter-damnation
that the continuing rule of metachemistry and pseudo-metaphysics, science and
pseudo-religion, 'in back' of their worldliness (and germane to the apex of the
other, i.e. state-hegemonic axis) signally precludes from transpiring.
Only the effective rejection of that through
the utilization of the democratic process to a religiously-sovereign end can
allow for the deliverance of the relevant masses to a full complement of
metaphysics and pseudo-metachemistry, and thereby enable them to gain release
not only from their particular kind of worldly bondage, as much now given to
pseudo-crime as formerly to sin, but also from the netherworldly and
effectively ungodly freedoms that prey upon it to a capitalist end achieved at
their financial and social, not to say moral and spiritual (soulful) expense.
However, for this to happen it is not enough
that the tricolour should be replaced by the Supercross (coupled to
pseudo-Superstar) of Social Theocracy; that which has the re-unification of
Ireland in mind on this non-republican basis must also look towards the
prospect of a union, federal or otherwise, with Scotland, and thus to the
expansion of Social Theocracy to include not only Irish and Scots-Irish, but,
no less significantly, Scots and Irish-Scots, as the necessary prelude to the
further development, enhancement, expansion, or whatever, of the ideology in
question and its determination to overcome, through a synthesizing process, the
ethnic disunity that has resulted from the divide-and-rule policy of England.
That is why I am not pro-republican and why the
'ourselves alone' doctrine has nothing in common with Social Theocracy, least
of all when, due to Northern or other pressures, it paradoxically takes a
Social Democratic form more congenial, if truth be told, to the nadir of
state-hegemonic axial criteria than to anything resembling a new and ultimate
church - a 'church' to end all churches which would necessarily have the
capacity, in the state-like aspect of the Centre, to govern itself or, rather,
to serve the religiously sovereign in the best interests of the Centre as a
whole. For the Centre transcends all state/church dichotomies in its
otherworldly absolutism and is therefore commensurate, so I contend, with
'Kingdom Come'.