26.  Obviously, Heaven can only be made the true end of life if society is of such a character that an ascent from bureaucracy to theocracy is more typical of it than a descent from autocracy to democracy, even when the theocracy and the democracy are less than completely free of bureaucratic and autocratic subversion or vitiation and are therefore characterized by worldly relativity in ecclesiastic or parliamentary vein. 

27.  The possibility of a free, or People's, democracy is no less the case for a more sensibly-oriented type of physical society than the possibility of a free, or People's, theocracy for its metaphysical counterpart, but such freedoms have to be won, they will not be handed to one on a plate by the autocratic and/or bureaucratic powers-that-be, and the former tends, in its elemental uniqueness, to be exclusive of the latter, insofar as democratic freedom presupposes an autocratic tradition and theocratic freedom a bureaucratic one - autocracy as something against which a struggle has to be waged, bureaucracy more open, in imagination, to the possibility of theocratic redemption come 'judgement', provided godliness can be adequately proved!

28.  Therefore they spring, these alternative types of freedom, from different types of society, and at the risk of over-simplifying or over-generalizing one could maintain that while the autocratic-democratic axis is more characteristic of Britain and, especially of England, the bureaucratic-theocratic axis is more significant of Ireland, so that there is a sort of Anglo-Saxon/Celtic distinction between the two types of society and their respective traditions, a distinction which can be broadened to include Anglo-Saxons and Celts generally, not least in the British Isles as a whole.

29.  For the British Isles has long been the scene of a struggle, traditionally characterized by Anglo-Saxon opposition to and even domination of Celts, between the lowland mentality of democracy and the highland mentality of theocracy, as between physics and metaphysics, form and contentment, ego and soul, taking and being.  Therefore it is only within the so-called Celtic fringe, and especially in relation to Catholic Ireland, that one could reasonably expect freedom struggles or ambitions to take a theocratic rather than simply democratic turn, and for those of us who identify with metaphysics more than physics in highland and even upper-class male vein, then democracy could never be regarded as anything more than a means to a higher end.

30.  Democracy to the metaphysical likes of us is not, I repeat not, an end-in-itself, as it evidently is to those who primarily relate to physical values in effectively lowland or lower-class male vein, but simply something to exploit in the interests of a higher and purer theocracy than has existed in the past, should the Movement for Social Theocracy or Social Transcendentalism, as you please, succeed in convincing the electorates of relatively free democracies, like the one which exists in the Irish Republic, that a vote for religious sovereignty would be in their best interests, since the only way in which they could gain the right to theocratic freedom from bureaucratic constraint and/or subversion, and thereby move beyond worldly relativity to an otherworldly absolutism commensurate with 'Kingdom Come'.

31.  It would also confirm, this paradoxical utilization of the democratic process, that they were not inveterately or representatively a democratic people but rather a people with the potential for a purer theocracy - in a word for theocratic freedom - at the expense of such democratic freedom as they had inherited, compliments of their struggle against English imperialism.  For if they are not properly democratic, since intrinsically more theocratic, then they will surely accept the paradoxical utilization of democracy to a theocratic end such that would deliver them from the bureaucratic subversion of religion by 'Mother Church' and allow them to embrace theocratic freedom in 'Kingdom Come' - freedom, not least, from both autocratic and democratic subversions of religion as well, such that further bedevil the endeavour to extricate transcendentalism from the clutches of nonconformism by complicating the overall picture in relation to fundamentalism and humanism - the former arguably less politically subversive than scientifically subversive, and the latter plainly economically subversive of what should - and could - be a religious purism that permitted joy to unfold as the holy reward for unfettered truth.

32.  Therefore much as one might like every people to come democratically to Social Theocracy, only some peoples would be capable, at this point in time, of actually doing so, and they would have to have had a Church-based tradition such that would permit them to climb, via democratic paradox, from the bureaucratic subversion of theocracy to theocratic freedom and thus to metaphysical salvation, wherein God and Heaven are the cardinal elements and the redemption of the former in the latter, as of truth in joy, is the principal raison d'être - one having reference to that which, in its soulful essence, lies beyond time in the eternity of timeless bliss.

33.  A people, on the other hand, with a powerful autocratic tradition, with an entrenched aristocracy, cannot achieve theocratic liberation; for their struggle, to the extent that there may be one, is against autocracy and presupposes an extension of democracy at autocracy's expense.  They have to pit the here-and-now of temporal time against the weight of tradition which bears down upon them and would impede further knowledgeable progress - and therefore democratic freedom -  in defence of its power-based interests.  They are a people with a colourful past, not a people who yearn, in imagination, for a more contented future, but a people who, if they are not careful, will revel in tradition even at the expense of the achievements of the present and the knowledge which made it possible. 

34.  Therefore such a people have to question their own motives in respect of democracy, which is their principal ideal in terms of enhanced freedom from somatic control of an autocratic nature.  But if they are not democratically free to the extent of a republican democracy in which psychic freedom can have its physical (as opposed to metaphysical) way, then their freedom will be somewhat compromised by autocratic criteria and subject to worldly qualification, which obviously leaves something to be desired from a democratic standpoint, even with a knowledge that what logically follows in terms of Social Democracy is less otherworldly than post-worldly to an extent which, if too totalitarian, can prove even more of an obstacle to theocratic liberation than a worldly democracy, bearing in mind its repudiation of 'God building' and more or less blue-collar orientation towards hard-line physics in overly Marxist vein.

35.  Obviously, no society which goes so far down the road of democratic totalitarianism is in a position to opt for religious sovereignty, and therefore their theocratic redemption is well-nigh inconceivable ... all the more so as they endeavour, from a Marxist-Leninist standpoint, to stamp-out religious traditions as though religion were a closed issue, never to be resurrected in a new or superior guise.

36.  Therefore democratic pluralism is crucial to any prospect of religious sovereignty, for one has to be able to appeal to the electorate to vote for such theocratic freedom in the first place, and this is only conceivable in the absence of a controlling totalitarianism such that would preclude any challenge to its rule from an alternative Movement the avowed aim of which was the effective supersession of State and Church alike by the Centre in the event of a majority mandate for religious sovereignty and the green light for the development of 'Kingdom Come', as customarily outlined by me in terms of a triadic Beyond and administrative aside - the former identifiable with Social Transcendentalism and the latter, rather more political in view of its various supportive responsibilities, with Social Theocracy, the ideological face of the Movement for Social Transcendentalism, and thus the supersession of conventional religion and its various subversions of theocracy.

37.  But again, in such a pluralistic democracy, one looks for evidence of a bureaucratic-theocratic axis, and even where this may exist in respect of an unrepresentative minority, if the overall axis is autocratic-democratic then it is hard to see much prospect, short of a number of significant changes in society, for a successful outcome to any paradoxical election, assuming such a judgmental experiment could be brought to pass in the first place!

38.  No, such an election, which embraced the possibility of a vote for religious sovereignty and the likelihood of a majority mandate, could only be expected to take place and to succeed in societies which, while nominally democratic, were basically bureaucratic and more disposed, through imagination, to theocratic liberation in consequence of an age-old longing for Messianic intervention in the interests of 'Kingdom Come', something difficult if not impossible to conceive of in those societies whose sense of freedom, owing more to the State than to the Church, is overwhelmingly democratic and therefore merely physical in character.

39.  Thus not only Ireland but, hopefully, Scotland, the Isle of Man, and Wales could come, in the ripeness of time, to an accommodation with Social Theocracy, not least in respect of the possibility of a united Ireland achieved on the basis of a Gaelic federation, germane to 'Kingdom Come', between the respective countries, especially Ireland and Scotland, and the transcendence, in consequence, of the British/Irish dichotomy which, under English domination, has ruled and divided the Celts, Gaels, Highlanders, or whatever else you would like to call those whose true loyalty, especially when properly male, is not to man but to God, as to theocracy.

40.  One of the worst consequences of the division of the Celts along British/Irish lines is that the former, when Scotch or Welsh, find it harder to come to terms with their Celtic traditions and ancestry in view of the extents to which they have been turned, through English imperial influence, from a bureaucratic-theocratic axis under Catholicism to an autocratic-democratic axis under Protestantism, with a consequence that they find their Celtic identities compromised in respect of state-stemming fundamentalist and humanist subversions of transcendentalism, as of theocracy, more typical of England and the English than of anything representatively Celtic as such, and are more inclined to side with England against the Irish when push-comes-to-shove in the struggle for or against Celtic values and aspirations.

41.  Thus do they often behave like Anglo-Saxons, contrary to their Celtic ancestry; for the only Celts who are broadly identifiable with the bureaucratic-theocratic axis of a nonconformist subversion of transcendentalism through 'Mother Church' are the Catholic Irish, who remain a case apart from the autocratic-democratic axis typifying British and, in particular, English civilization.

42.  Yet even these compromised Scotsmen and Welshmen, not to mention their Ulster counterparts, are more often than not Celts and therefore persons who, in the highland traditions of their ancestry, should be more willing to identify with theocratic liberation from bureaucratic constraint than democratic liberation from autocratic constraint, and thus with a mode of male liberation in sensibility owing more to the Church than to the State, more to metaphysics than to physics, more to highland values than to lowland values, more to soul than to ego, and therefore more to God than to man.

43.  Alas! their fate under English domination ill-qualifies them for an overly theocratic freedom in 'Kingdom Come', such as would be accorded to Catholics who had opted for religious sovereignty.  But they cannot and should not be excluded, as Protestants, from the prospect of salvation in the triadic Beyond to which I have dedicated a not-inconsiderable proportion of my mature philosophy, even if, in the light of their respective denominational affiliations, it would have to take a less than properly or fully transcendentalist guise ... as in the case of the salvation of Anglicans to the middle tier of the Beyond in question and the salvation of Puritans and/or Presbyterians to its bottom tier, as described in a variety of earlier texts.

44.  But where those properly affiliated, as Catholics, to the bureaucratic-theocratic axis are concerned, then of course their highness in respect of theocratic freedom is more than justified and is even confirmed, in cultural terms, by the prevalence of sports such as Gaelic Football in Ireland which sharply contrasts with the democratic lowness, as it were, of Association Football as the English sport par excellence, a game which, though incontestably subjective in its maleness, does not permit of any points over the bar like its air-affirming Gaelic counterpart, and therefore stands as ample testimony to the extent to which, unlike Ireland, Britain as a whole, but England in particular, is characterized by a want of theocratic idealism and a more or less inveterate bent for democratic freedom in respect of the autocratic-democratic axis, the upper end of which, stretching back to feudal times, is more characterized by Rugby, in objectively female vein, and thus to a deference to fire which, like air, is also above the bar but in markedly contrary terms!

45.  Thus the sensible contrast between Gaelic Football as an expression of an as-yet incomplete degree of theocratic freedom from clerical subversion and Association Football as the expression of an incomplete or, rather, limited degree of democratic freedom within a parliamentary system, only goes to confirm the distinction between Celtic highness and Anglo-Saxon lowness, metaphysics and physics, religion and, for what of a better term, economics, God/Heaven and man/the earth.

46.  To say, on the evidence of this and other such cultural differences, that the Celtic and Anglo-Saxon races were equal would, to say the least, be somewhat disingenuous, if not downright ridiculous!  The Celts, particularly to judge by contemporary cultural circumstances in their Irish manifestation, are a higher race than the English, many if not most of whom are Anglo-Saxon, and therefore by no means equal or equivalent.

47.  Of course, one hears a lot these days, not least in multiracial England vis-à-vis blacks and coloureds, about racial equality and equality of opportunity, but it is only a fool who would confound equality of opportunity or of rights in certain fields, irrespective of race, with racial equality as such, as though all races were equal, or exactly the same!  There are more differences in this world than those between Celts and Anglo-Saxons, and even there the cultural differences are such that one could not reasonably fail to notice or take heed of them, especially in light of the more sharply polarized distinctions between Catholic Ireland and Protestant England, as between contrary senses of freedom and their corresponding ideals.

48.  The only reason why the British Isles, in geographical terms an archipelago which deserves a unitary culture and identity, is split between Ireland and Britain (notwithstanding the more simple geographical matter of the Irish Sea), as between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland on the one hand and the Republic of Ireland on the other, is because of the religious divide between Protestantism and Catholicism, which is superimposed upon, though not exactly synonymous with, a racial division between Anglo-Saxons and Celts such that attains to its most marked polarization in respect of England and the Republic of Ireland.

49.  Ireland may not be entirely Celtic, any more than England is entirely Anglo-Saxon, but nevertheless such a racial division, coming to a head in the cultural differentiations alluded to above, cleaves the British Isles in two, making them the focus of two different world struggles, the theocratic and the democratic, with the one yet to be delivered, in Social Theocracy, from bureaucratic constraints and the other falling well short, through its autocratic traditions, of Social Democracy.

50.  On a wider basis, this distinction between theocracy and democracy is reflected in the world at large, with the West largely symptomatic of democracy and the East of theocracy, irrespective of how short of freedom.  Therefore there is a sense in which Ireland, Catholic Ireland, is something of an Eastern-like exception in the West, sandwiched in between the Anglo-Saxon powers of Britain and America which are in the vanguard of democracy, if not necessarily of complete democratic liberation from