51. To the Republic of Ireland, however, this has long
been something of a problem, and even a source of disquiet! For although
Ireland shares many of the values and customs of Britain and America, not least
through ancestral ties, it is still, in its heart-of-hearts, a case apart which
fears for its own theocratic life in the toing-and-froing of the democratic currents which swirl all around it
from its more powerful neighbours. It is even conveniently overlooked by
52.
Thus Ireland is often brushed under the carpet by its bigger and more
inveterately democratic neighbours, not least Britain, as and when it suits
them to cosy up to one another at the expense of some perceived enemy of
democracy.
53.
For were it not for British imperialism, Ireland would not still be divided, as
it has been for many a long year, between the predominantly Catholic 'South'
and the predominantly Protestant 'North', the Republic and the six counties of
Ulster which constitute the oddly-contrived statelet
of Northern Ireland within the UK. Such an inconvenience for the Irish,
which is one of the worst humiliations that can be inflicted upon a people,
suits neither tradition; for Ireland is a small enough country without having
to endure a largely arbitrary division of its territorial mass in the interests
of Ulster Protestants.
54.
And even these latter folk, often dubbed loyalists, would have to admit that
the greater percentage of the province of Ulster was less than satisfactory
from a national point of view and that Irish unity, on terms they could agree
to, would ultimately make more sense, as it would to those in the Republic who
want to see a united Ireland if only because a partitioned one leaves something
to be desired.
55.
My views on how this could - and I believe should - be brought about have been
well-documented by now, so I shan't elaborate on them here, except to say that
only Social Theocracy can liberate the overwhelming majority of both traditions
from their Catholic/Protestant schismatic antagonism and bring them, via a
majority mandate for religious sovereignty, into the pluralistic framework of
'Kingdom Come' or, at any rate, of that which, in the event of Scotland and
other Celtic countries opting for such a sovereignty, would approximate to a
Gaelic federation of Irish and British Gaels and thus reunite the Celts of
these islands on the basis of theocratic liberation not only from bureaucratic
subversion of religion through 'Mother Church', but also from such autocratic
and democratic subversions of it as, more germane to Protestantism, typifies
the broader experiences of Scotch and Welsh Protestants under the aegis of
British state control, and this contrary, I have argued, to their Celtic
interests and ancestral predilections.
56.
Continuing devolution for Scotland and Wales is the way for both countries to
gradually come to an accommodation with the prospect of a return to the heights
of theocratic freedom in relation to a Gaelic federation, existing within the
wider European framework, of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and possibly the Isle of
Man - something which, to my mind, has long pointed in the direction of
'Kingdom Come' and thus of a godly resolve of the freedom issue which, on a
wider European and even global basis, cannot but be in the vanguard of
evolutionary progress in a shrinking world, a world which deserves better than
to be divided between East and West, theocracy and democracy, and to be held
back from global unity by divisions which only the paradoxical exploitation of
democracy to a theocratic end, contrary to its worship by the West, can remove.
57. For ultimately global unity is inconceivable on other
than religious terms, but such terms must be genuinely progressive and
symptomatic of liberation not only from bureaucratic but, in the wider context,
from autocratic and democratic subversion and even control.
58. I
am confident that the world can come to global unity in the utmost theocratic
universality, even if other factors have to be taken into account and progress
will be slow and at times difficult. But I am equally confident that
there is no other basis for such unity than what has been suggested, and that
the sooner the lowlanders of the West accept that globalization implies a
deference to the highlanders of the East, as to religious values generally, and
that democracy should not be regarded as an end in itself but rather as a means
to a higher end, the sooner will globalization achieve an acceptable resolution
which will enable peace and prosperity to prevail on terms which presage the
infinite perfection not of man but of his successor in the gradual cyborgization of life that will permit godly and heavenly
criteria to flourish as never before, and to achieve peaks of truth and joy
such that put the past achievements of theocracy, whether in relation to the
Cosmos, to Nature, or to Mankind, in a series of inferior lights.
59.
For the future, in this global experiment, belongs to Cyborgkind,
the Godkind that stretches beyond Mankind, as air
stretches beyond vegetation, and it can only be from the urban proletariat,
that post-humankind species of 'man', that the Cyborg
is developed and eventually emerges in a guise that we can scarcely conceive of
but which will take evolving life to its maximum degree of theocratic
resolution, a resolution set not on earth but in space, in special space
centres, and constituting the omega point of godly destiny, making all previous
manifestations of metaphysical sensibility dwindle to a comparative
insignificance.
60.
That, if it ever happens, is a long way off at present. But intimations
of futurity, hopes for a better future, of the coming of the 'Kingdom', are
characteristic of a bureaucratic mean in religion, which is not overly
concerned, like autocracy, with powerful tradition, nor, like democracy, with
egotistic knowledge in respect of the present and fear of the past, but
spiritually yearns through imagination for a timeless redemption of the ego in
what would be the ultimate theocracy, the theocracy-of-theocracies that has
been identified, in these notes, with Social Theocracy and its promise, in
'Kingdom Come', of a triadic Beyond broadly identifiable with Social Transcendentalist
practice and theory.
61.
Therefore the meritocratic servants of 'Mother Church', its priests, are not so
much - quasi-autocratic exceptions to the rule notwithstanding - class enemies
of the People in the sense of outwardly opposing religious progress from an
entrenched conservatism that resists all possibility of meaningful change, as
the basis for and guarantor of further theocratic development as technocracy is
expanded in the enhanced service of theocratic praxis. They are there and
they are not, to be sure, of Social Theocracy, but they maintain a hope in the
prospect of 'Kingdom Come', and to that extent they are not reactionary but the
bedrock of subsequent progress, without whom there would be no 'Mother Church'
at all and therefore no bureaucratic-theocratic axis such that portends the
possibility of theocratic liberation.
62.
Some would argue that the feudal aristocracy, traditionally affiliated to
autocracy, are not the class enemies of the People when a people is of a
persuasion which is less theocratic than democratic, but such a people will
often find themselves struggling against feudal traditions in the interests of
greater democratic freedom; for there is nothing about the aristocracy as such
that encourages hope, in bureaucratic vein, in the Messianic redemption of
society through theocratic liberation but, rather, a certain pride and
satisfaction in the traditions of their class which, whilst understandable, is
not concerned to advance democracy at autocracy's expense and may consequently
prove problematic to those engaged in precisely that exercise.
63.
Certainly the People, as I have made clear in previous texts, are not just one
thing or another but both traditional and revolutionary, folk and proletariat,
'sheep' and 'goats', and often, in worldly countries, they combine the two
tendencies to greater or lesser extents within the same person, so that a
clear-cut divide between folk and proletariat, conservative and radical, is not
always discernible. This of course varies, but there are also minorities
of various persuasions to be taken into account, and for them someone germane
to an alternative axis or tradition may well seem a class enemy, even if racial
or ethnic enemy would be a more fitting description.
64.
For of course if you divide society, as I have, between a rising
bureaucratic-theocratic axis typifying or favouring Celts and a falling
autocratic-democratic axis favouring or typifying Anglo-Saxons, only those who
are of one's racial or ethnic group will seem reasonable and representative to
one, the others being a potential if not actual threat and disruptive influence
which it were better to guard against, as against one's traditional racial
enemy.
65.
Such thinking is not as fanciful as apologists for racial equality or, rather,
for a perverse concept of racial equality might like to believe, but is more
than modestly evidenced in the British Isles, where the divisions of Ireland
and Britain or Ireland from Britain, and vice versa, are reflected even in Northern
Ireland, and we can be sure that a certain Anglo-Saxon element is instrumental
there in preventing the unity of Celts from taking place in a way that would
not only unify Ireland, but ensure that the autocratic-democratic axis so
representative of Anglo-Saxon reality was replaced by a bureaucratic-theocratic
one more characteristic of the Celts, not least when Catholic.
66.
However, that is not my primary concern, nor even a part of the Social
Theocratic agenda; for I have said that theocratic liberation from bureaucratic
constraints or realities is of the essence of 'Kingdom Come', and that such a
divine 'Kingdom' can only come to pass on the basis of a paradoxical election
for religious sovereignty which utilized the democratic process and thereby
made it possible for those who may formerly have considered democracy as a ne plus
ultra to test their conscience in respect of my work and vote accordingly,
even if this means that many of those who did indeed opt for religious
sovereignty and the rights accruing to it, including deliverance from
Cosmos-based metachemical subversions of metaphysics,
had formerly been Protestants of Celtic extraction and were now able to see the
light and get themselves, and the majority of their people, back on track from
a racial and cultural point of view.
67.
For while democracy will be an end-in-itself to the average Anglo-Saxon, for
the Celt, by contrast, it should be viewed as a means to a higher end and
therefore as a vehicle to be paradoxically exploited, come 'judgement', in the
interests of theocratic liberation through religious sovereignty, something
that changes the terms of religion for Catholics and Protestants alike, doing
away with the old schismatic dichotomy between the two camps and enabling all
to partake, at different tier levels in our projected triadic Beyond, of Social
Transcendentalism, the way ahead for the reunification of Celtic and indeed
ultimately of all humanity, as things progress towards global resolution.
68.
For even if you are democratic rather than theocratic or, rather, given through
Protestantism to either an autocratic or a democratic subversion of theocracy,
there will still be a place for you within the administrative and triadic pluralism
of 'Kingdom Come', and some degree of if not exactly autocratic or bureaucratic
then, in sensible transvaluation, anti-autocratic and
anti-bureaucratic, not to mention modified democratic, subversion of theocracy
would still initially obtain under the lead of the utmost theocratic purism,
pending the gradual cyborgization of life and
emerging capacity for greater totalitarian uniformity, for enhanced perfection
as what remains of the initial plurality of factors is phased out and/or
amalgamated to the end of a godly/heavenly absolutism in the omega point of
evolutionary consummation.
69.
Provided one is not hard-line autocratic or democratic, refusing to countenance
anything stemming from the bureaucratic-theocratic axis, there will be a place
for one in 'Kingdom Come', in the context of religious sovereignty should the
electorate so vote.... Which, again, is only likely to happen in countries
where the majority are effectively more Church than State or, even in the
latter instance, more given to an autocratic and/or democratic subversion of
theocracy than to autocracy or democracy as such, and therefore more Celtic,
dare I say, than Anglo-Saxon, as in Northern Ireland.
70.
No, the racial dichotomy is significant, cannot be underestimated without attendant
perils, and those who strive to do so often have an ulterior agenda in mind,
like the transmutation of a given race through interbreeding with it from the
standpoints of races more given to a competing, if not conflicting, order of
civilization.
71.
Doubtless the approach to this matter in Ireland would differ from how it was
approached in, say, England; for in Ireland the breeding-out (if not in
exceptional circumstances kicking-out) of Anglo-Saxons is the only guarantee of
an ecclesiastic bias towards theocracy, whereas in England - Celts often being
Irish Catholics and Catholics Irish Celts - it would be harder if not
impossible to conceive of Celts being bred out by their Anglo-Saxon neighbours
but, rather, of the Anglo-Saxon race itself being under threat from a variety
of black and coloured peoples from its Empire who may well render England more
susceptible to theocracy in the generations to come.
72.
Of course, words can never do justice to the multiplicity of factors always at
work in any given context. But my observations as an Irishman in England,
an Irishman-in-exile from his native land through having been brought to
Britain as a very young boy, are such as to suggest that the natural
lustfulness of the Anglo-Saxon race is being tested in the racially
equalitarian society which now prevails in Britain and is likely to result in a
lot more half-breeds and mixed marriages than currently meets the eye.
73.
Which, from a theocratic standpoint, may not be a bad thing; though I wouldn't
myself wish to mate with a white Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) Englishwoman and
father children who might well end-up becoming more democratic than theocratic
under pressure of English culture, even if black or coloured Englishwomen were
superficially more attractive but still somewhat problematic from a Celtic
Irish point-of-view. In fact, I have remained rigorously celibate through
all my years of exile in England, not having slept with a single woman of any
colour, and I believe that this owes something, though not everything, to my
refusal to compromise with the Anglo-Saxon race and sell-out to an
autocratic-democratic axis at the expense of my Catholic heritage for
bureaucracy-theocracy.
74. I
was born a Catholic but, due to events beyond my control, was raised, from my
tenth year, as a Protestant following the death of my protective maternal
Catholic grandmother when I was ten, my mother having felt free to dispatch me
to a Children's Home in Carshalton Beeches, Surrey, and although I protested in
writing at the change of denomination which then confronted me, I knew that
nothing would extricate me from that situation and that I would have to put up
with a Protestant upbringing, come what may.
75.
But instead of turning me into a Protestant, a Baptist, it gradually turned me
into a rebel against what I took to be Christianity, and so I turned, via books
by Bertrand Russell, towards my own intellectual devices in the hope of finding
a viable substitute for Christianity. In such fashion I was put on the
road to becoming a philosopher, or truth-seeker, in my own right.
