ON ART

 

1.    The twentieth century witnessed the growth of a split in art between democratic and theocratic trends, a split, in effect, between Liberal Realism and Socialist Realism on the one hand, and Liberal Realism and Fascist Realism on the other hand.  The democratic artist, be he liberal or radical, represents the People, or that section of them - bourgeoisie, proletariat - with whom he chooses or is obliged to identify.  The theocratic artist, by contrast, intimates, in a variety of ways and in varying degrees, of the Holy Spirit, is free to 'do his own thing' irrespective of whether or not it brings him public approval.  He alone is sovereign, not the People, and consequently he sets such artistic/spiritual standards as he can achieve, leading, like a fascist dictator, from above.  Thus his art - symbolist, post-painterly abstractionist, surrealist, etc., is fascistic or, better, Transcendentalist.  It doesn't require the People's approval.  But neither, in a liberal society, can it be forced upon them!  Consequently it remains, by and large, an elite phenomenon.

 

2.    In a liberal society, democratic art cannot be forced upon the People either, though a socialist society can encourage the People to view and attempt an appreciation of the Social Realist art on offer.  Needless to say, there will be little or no Modern Realist art on offer in such a social democracy, and neither, of course, will there be much theocratic art, as produced by the painterly avant-garde in the liberal West.  The People’s artist must represent the proletariat, almost literally, though often mythically, as so many militant Marxists overthrowing or opposing bourgeois rule.

 

3.    Ironically, militant Socialist Realism becomes anachronistic in an age of détente, with its peaceful co-existence with the West.  Rather, it appertains to the militant phase of Communist struggle (particularly within Russia) against the bourgeois/aristocratic tradition.  Where there are no representatives of the old order left in power, the justification for militant Socialist Realism must be held in question.  Only a more benign, positivistic Socialist Realism, reflecting the day-to-day lives of the average proletarian, preferably in a working context, would seem to be in order.  Such a civilized Socialist Realism will reflect the progress of Socialism as it bears upon the transformation of the proletariat from a proton bias under the old order to an electron bias under the new one, following the inevitable socialist revolution.  One might even contend that a militant Socialist Realism would be demeaning to the proletariat in such a People’s democracy.

 

4.    However that may be, militant Socialist Realism would certainly not demean or misrepresent the workers (proton equivalents) of a liberal democracy, where the perpetuation of syndicalism affords the Western Social Realist a vehicle for militant dramatization ... in the form of the workers' struggle against bourgeois oppression, thus creating or perpetuating the myth of Marxist revolt.

 

5.    But such a militant form of Socialist Realism is only one aspect (necessarily extreme) of democratic representative art in a liberal society and, from the establishment's viewpoint, hardly the most important or attractive aspect either!  For co-existent with this art is Modern Realism, the conservative alternative to (left-wing) Socialist Realism, which generally portrays middle-class life in its complacent, classical setting, and therefore may be said to represent the electron-equivalent bourgeois and/or petty bourgeois of the contemporary West.  All very smug and relaxed, in contrast to the workers' struggle against capitalist oppression or, as in the more left-wing types of Modern Realism, the frank portrayal of the effects of such oppression upon the worker from a democratic socialist point-of-view.  One sees it in certain of the works of Hockney, just as one saw its nineteenth-century precursor in Degas, Manet, and Renoir.  Perhaps 'capitalist realism' would be the most appropriate term for this classical democratic art, the representative type of contemporary academic art?

 

6.    In the nineteenth century, however, academic art was less bourgeois and more aristocratic, or neo-aristocratic, in character, not so much a classical democratic art as an humanistic autocratic one, as represented by the choice of pagan (ancient Graeco-Roman, Egyptian, Hebrew, Byzantine, etc.) subject-matter, congenial to artists like Alma-Tadema, Poynter, Leighton, and other such exponents of fin-de-siècle decadence, not to mention earlier masters like David and Ingres, who indubitably displayed a taste for autocratic nostalgia in an age of ongoing democracy, an age seemingly no-less partial to the prototypical social-realist works of Courbet, Millet, and Le Douanier Rousseau, as well as to some revolutionary theocratic works from the brushes of Turner, Redon, and Moreau, each of whom preferred to 'do his own thing'.

 

7.    If humanistic autocratic art is now dead and unlikely ever to arise again, democratic art is still alive in both the liberal West and the socialist East, if to a lesser extent than formerly.  For the growth of theocratic art, particularly in France and the United States, is in many respects the most important contribution of the twentieth century to artistic progress, outweighing the achievements, varied as they may be, of Socialist Realism which, while bringing democratic art to a republican climax, signifies the tail-end of an old tradition rather than the inception and development of a new, higher order of painting, as pertaining to the Holy Spirit.  It is this theocratic art which, in the evolutionary nature of things, has taken over from and extended beyond the democratic, as in the case of Op art, a late-stage petty-bourgeois successor to early-stage petty-bourgeois painterly avant-garde art - painting, of whichever description, being incapable of extension beyond petty-bourgeois criteria, coming to a climax, one might say, on avant-garde and/or Social Realist terms.

 

8.    Thus in a late-stage petty-bourgeois era the only truly contemporary art will be theocratic Op, a genre above and beyond the scope of conventional painting.  Beyond this, however, lies the art of the proletariat, the light art, holography and, in particular, abstract computer art of an absolutely theocratic civilization, such as I hope will take root in Eire in the not-too-distant future, following a progression to truly classless criteria.

 

9.    Needless to say, an absolutely theocratic society would not encourage anything democratic, so there would be neither Modern Realism nor Socialist Realism, nor even earlier (petty-bourgeois) forms of theocratic art, whether abstract, and therefore at best quasi-theocratic (given the democratic nature of the painterly genre), or as Op or Kinetic art, and therefore fascistic.  Only that which could be described as relevant to a proletarian civilization, the logical successor to the spiritualistic, late-stage petty-bourgeois civilization of the contemporary West, with particular reference to the United States, and one not at all connected with or stemming from its materialistic counterpart in the (former) Soviet Union.

 

10.   Not all avant-garde or modern art is theocratic, as an intimation of truth.  Much of it is neo-autocratic in an anti-aesthetic and expressionist kind of way, more concerned to distort nature and the natural than to intimate of pure spirit.  An art of the Ugly rather than of the Beautiful, the Ethical, or the True.  Some of it is even neo-pagan, and thus a glorification of sensuality, hedonism, sun, strength, nature, etc.  And, of course, it should not be forgotten that nature-painting of any description is fundamentally autocratic, that is to say, concerned not with man, still less the Holy Spirit, but with that which, as nature, stems from the First Cause and thus, by implication, solar energy.

 

11.   If nature precedes man and his democratic, humanistic concerns, then nature-painting, whether in the hands of a Constable or a Cortot, a Monet or a Rousseau, is beneath democratic painting as a kind of more absolutist autocratic art than that which focuses, even in pagan guise, on men and human society generally.  To be sure, not a great deal of representational nature-painting was done in the twentieth century, least of all among the truly representative artists of the age.  But we should not let this fact lead us to attribute a democratic or a theocratic bias to paintings of nature done in a semi-abstract or minimalist style.  A more contemporary technical treatment of natural phenomena does not constitute the truly modern!   Rather, it is a form of attenuated autocratic art, indicative of the lowest type of twentieth-century art, using the latter term in its strictly painterly sense.

 

12.   If the highest type of twentieth-century art has its limits, how much more limited must this autocratic art appear when compared with that which, as holography and (more importantly in the immediate future) computer graphics, is beyond painterly art, and as much above and beyond such art as pagan sculpture was beneath it!  Indeed, to do this ultimate art justice, we should distinguish between holography, as a true antithesis to the inception of 'art' in pagan sculpture, and computer graphics, as a true antithesis to pagan and, in particular, ancient Greek amphora art.  In contrast to the antithetical equivalent that may be inferred to exist between light art and medieval stained-glass in a fascist/catholic distinction.  Thus holography and computer art are as much above and beyond the pale of Western civilization ... as pagan sculpture and amphora art were beneath and before it.

 

13.   Concerning elites, who are always a minority, one may note a progression, commensurate with autocratic/democratic/ theocratic distinctions, from aristocrats to meritocrats via plutocrats.  Whereas the autocratic aristocrats rule the populace (largely in the guise of peasants), the democratic plutocrats both rule and serve the People (as middle class and/or workers), while the theocratic meritocrats serve the masses (largely in the form of proletarians).

 

14.   A parallel description to the above categories can be discerned in the distinction between Lords, Ministers, and Commissars - the Lords ruling a subject populace, the Ministers representing (ruling and serving) a sovereign people, and the Commissars serving the free proletarian masses.

 

15.   However, one should distinguish between Commissars (more usually bureaucratic Ministers) of a socialist stamp and, conversely, those of a centrist one; for whereas the former endeavour, in their democratic capacity, to serve the material interests of the proletarian masses, the latter will strive, in their theocratic capacity, to serve what is best in the People - namely their spiritual potential, even though compromises with materialism will of course have to be made.