ON CLOTHES
1. The dress is autocratic, by which I mean
that it conforms to a centrifugal absolutism in its one-piece cylindrical
shape. Whether we are referring to very
long dresses, germane to an aristocratic age, or to contemporary minidresses, necessarily petty-bourgeois in character, we
are dealing with an autocratic mode of clothing.
2. By contrast, democratic clothing is always
dualistic, or relative. It affirms an
atomic compromise between the feminine and the masculine, skirts and
trousers. And this compromise is further
indicated in the relativity of skirts to blouses and/or jackets on the one
hand, and of trousers to shirts and/or jackets on the other hand, so that each
of the sexes reflects a dualistic integrity, the one to a large extent the
converse of the other.
3. Coming to a theocratic mode of clothing, a
mode the antithesis of the dress, we enter the realm of the post-dualistic,
where a centripetal absolutism prevails in the form of a one-piece phallic
shape or design. I am of course alluding
to boiler suits, which are a rudimentary manifestation of a more synthetic and
absolute trend still to arise, a kind of proletarian precursor to the one-piece
zippersuit of the future, doubtless the only kind of
clothing permissible in a truly theocratic society, where an aspiration towards
the absolutism of the Holy Spirit would be the religious/moral norm.
4. If boiler suits, usually in denim, are
socialistic, then these synthetic zippersuits will be
centrist, or relative to a Social Transcendentalist
integrity. No-one will dress like a
democrat, in a two-piece suit or, worse still, like an autocrat, in a
dress. Only the closed-society
absolutism of a one-piece zippersuit will prevail!
5. Since I have elsewhere distinguished between
kingdom and state on the one hand, and between church and centre on the other,
as reflecting an evolutionary progression from the subatomic to the
supra-atomic via the atomic (church/state) compromise, I shall refer the
above-listed modes of clothing to their respective politico-religious
parallels, thus equating dresses with the Kingdom, skirts with the State,
trousers with the Church, and one-piece zippersuits
with the Centre, a progression from the subatomic absolute to the supra-atomic
absolute via an atomic compromise in bourgeois relativity. Thus like the Church, two-piece suits testify
to a bound-electron equivalent, one-piece zippersuits
testifying, like the Centre, to a free-electron equivalent. Dresses and skirts, like kingdom and state,
are proton and neutron equivalents respectively.
6. Whereas the button-up collared shirt is
relative, divisible into two halves, as it were, and further divisible between
masculine buttons and feminine button-holes, the T-shirt is absolute,
all-of-a-piece, and thus purely masculine in character. Besides making dressing easier, it conforms
to the extreme relativistic criteria of a late petty-bourgeois/early
proletarian age, being the sartorial complement to jeans (cords or
denims). In conjunction with this other
masculine attire, it reflects a socialistic and unisexual integrity, and this
whether or not the wearer is consciously socialist and/or unisexual. It accords with colour films, colour
photography, and rock music, as appertaining to the tail-end of the middle, or
democratic, spectrum of political evolution.
7. One should distinguish between the upgrading
of an old-style form of bourgeois, relative clothing, whether masculine or
feminine, and the new-style relative clothing more absolutist in construction. Thus one should distinguish between, say, a
cord or denim trouser suit, the jacket of which overlaps the legs in
traditional bourgeois fashion, and a cord or denim trouser suit with a short,
waist-length jacket. In the former case,
a conventional relativity between masculine trousers and feminine jacket; in
the latter case an absolutist relativity between masculine trousers (jeans) and
jacket. Whereas the one finds its
political analogue in a P.R. liberal democracy, the other should be equated with
a radical, or socialist, democracy.
Whereas the one is aligned with the heterosexual, the other provokes a
homosexual analogue. Thus the absolutist
relativity of contemporary jean suits, in which no feminine overlapping of the
leg occurs, is on a cultural level with the theocratic democracy of Communism
and the masculine relativity of homosexuality.
If appearances were invariably aligned with essences, one would have no
hesitation in regarding a person who dressed in the above-mentioned manner as
either a communist or a homosexual, or both.
Certainly his mode of dressing corresponds to an
extreme petty-bourgeois integrity.
8. Now consider the man who wears a boiler suit
or, better still, a one-piece zippersuit that zips up
the front and gives him the appearance of a pilot or even of an astronaut. Such a man would be dressed in an absolutist
manner, the antithesis to a woman in a dress, and so approximate to proletarian
criteria of sartorial appearances. The
political or, rather, religious analogue evoked here would be Social
Transcendentalism, while the sexual analogue would be pornography, particularly
of a radical nature, and the man concerned might well be a pornographer and/or
transcendentalist of one type or another.
Such a man would almost certainly despise those who dressed in a
relative manner, considering them bourgeois or, in the case of the more extreme
relativities, petty bourgeois. Whether
or not he knew anything about political/sexual analogies, his appearance would
correspond to a radical theocracy, theirs, by contrast, to either liberal or
social democracy, thereby existing on an inferior evolutionary level.
9. Where women are concerned, the upgrading of
bourgeois, knee-length skirts takes the form of the mini, with or without a jacket,
thereby retaining a relatively feminine appearance. Recourse to jeans or jean suits would place
the woman on an equal communist/homosexual footing with a man so attired, and
thus bring her into line with contemporary petty-bourgeois criteria. We need not doubt, however, that proletarian
females will eventually gravitate from contemporary sartorial relativities to a one-piece zipper absolutism along the lines of the
aforementioned zippersuit.
10. In countries with a church/state dichotomy,
conforming to their atomic status, it usually transpires that one side prevails
over the other in accordance with the ethical/ideological bias of the people
concerned. Thus in
11. During the atomic stage of evolution, each
people retains a distinct, nay, an antithetical bias, and one that will remain
such should post-atomic absolutism replace atomic relativity in the
not-too-distant future, if in radically dissimilar ways, so that a new
distinction arises between, on the one hand, the theocratic centre in Ireland
and, on the other hand, the bureaucratic pseudo-state in Britain, the former as
hostile to democrats as the latter to autocrats.
12. An Englishman,
especially when middle class, easily adopts a utilitarian attitude to the
weather on a hot summer's day; he wears the bare minimum, perhaps no more than
sandals and shorts. Religious or moral
considerations don't occur to him, since he is largely devoid of them. His attitude is crassly philistine! By contrast, an Irishman is more likely to
keep his clothes on, irrespective of the heat: socks, shoes, trousers, and
shirt being the minimum requirement. To
the typical pragmatic Englishman, he may appear foolish, but that is only from
a utilitarian point-of-view. For the
Irishman will know or, at any rate, sense that there is also a moral dimension
which is more important - namely, that clothing is worn not just to keep warm
but to cover the flesh, to hide the body, and this applies no less on a hot day
than on a cold or a wet one. Hence his attitude,
unlike the Englishman's, is largely conditioned by religious
considerations. It is profoundly moral!
13. If clothing were worn
merely to keep one warm, then there would be little or no point in people in
the Middle East, Iran, or
14. The above example of
the way in which an Englishman can misunderstand and, consequently, belittle an
Irishman is but one of countless examples that could be given. Clearly, so long as the Irish remain under
British rule and/or influence, they will never be evaluated according to their
true worth, but be expected to behave in a British manner.... Which, because
they won't or can't, leads to additional friction and belittlement in a vicious
circle of prejudice and misunderstanding!
Salvation for the Irish is intrinsically linked with freedom from the
British, freedom from the democratic, and will only come when Ireland is
elevated to a radically theocratic status in an island purged of British, and
hence democratic, influence.
15. There can be no compromise between theocracy
and democracy in the future! The age
demands an absolutist choice: either radical theocracy in the form of Social
Transcendentalism, or radical democracy in the form of Socialist
Republicanism. There can be no question
of
16. If Britain was the hub or cynosure of a world
empire, then Ireland, elevated in the aforementioned manner, should become the
hub or, at the very least, root-motivator of a world centre, an ideological
grouping of radically theocratic peoples that will stretch - in the short term
- across those parts of the globe, including North Africa and South America,
not destined for Socialism but entitled to work for Social Transcendentalism
and, by implication, the eventual defeat of democracy in the world at
large. What Britain was on materialistic
terms, Ireland should become on spiritualistic terms; and on the most absolute
spiritualistic terms at that, not, as traditionally, on the level of Catholic
missionary work, but with regard to what I have called the True World Religion,
with its supra-national integrity.
17. If an autocratic hairstyle is long, then a
theocratic hairstyle is short. If an
autocratic hairstyle hangs down, then a theocratic hairstyle sticks up. Because they are alike absolutist, both
hairstyles will be without a parting.
18. Not so the democratic hairstyles in between
these two extremes, by which I mean the medium-length hairstyles that, in the
liberal case, favour a parting in the centre of the head and, in the radical
case, favour a peripheral parting. The
traditional liberal hairstyle naturally favours a relativity,
consonant with dualistic criteria, but does so in a way bespeaking a balance
between the feminine and the masculine, which is to say, between each side of a
central parting. By contrast, the
radical hairstyle, whilst affirming a relativity, does
so on terms which assert the superiority of the masculine side of the parting
so that, instead of a feminine/masculine balance, one finds a masculine bias,
and this in response to radical and/or homosexual criteria. So we may affirm an evolution of hairstyles
that passes from autocratic beginnings to theocratic endings via a democratic compromise,
in which medium-length parted hair is the norm.
19. Where the democratic compromise stage is
concerned, a distinction will, of course, exist between feminine and masculine
hairstyles, whether in terms of a continuing autocratic bias in the former or
of its democratic modification in relation to the latter, as described
above. A woman's hair will generally be
longer than a man's in a liberal society, whereas a society stressing sexual
equality, and thus invoking a masculine bias compatible with homosexual
criteria, will encourage women to wear their hair shorter, perhaps as short, or
medium-length, as a man's, with the attendant concession of a more or less
peripheral parting.
20. A more comprehensive outline of the evolution
of hairstyles should bear in mind that the progression from one absolute to
another takes place by degrees, so that a peripheral parting which favours the
feminine will precede a central parting, just as a peripheral parting favouring
the masculine will succeed it. Thus one
could speak of a grand-bourgeois/petty-bourgeois antithesis (either side of a
bourgeois relativity) in which the peripheral parting will be on opposite sides
of the head. Thus whereas the
grand-bourgeois parting favoured the right-hand side of the head, corresponding
to the old brain/subconscious mind, the contemporary petty-bourgeois parting
favours its left-hand side, the side proximate to the new brain/superconscious mind.
The first parting attests to a feminine imbalance, the second to a
masculine one. In between, the central
parting through which, in accordance with bourgeois relativity, the two sides
of the head are in approximate balance, as between state and church, lesbianism
and homosexuality. However, such a
balance no longer holds sway to any appreciable extent; for most people - women
included - are partial to the left-hand side peripheral parting, and thus to a
bias towards the Church or, at any rate, towards theocracy, while remaining, in
their relativity, essentially democratic.
Only in a radically theocratic society would an absolutist hairstyle be
systematically encouraged and, as already remarked, it would be short and
vertical, constituting an exclusive masculinity, a proletarian antithesis to
absolutist femininity in the unparted long hair of
the autocratic aristocrats of pagan antiquity.