CYCLE THIRTY: REVOLUTIONARY PROSPECTS

1. Traditionally, economics in England has been held back and effectively deprived of internal laissez-faire classicism by the need for a political hegemony that, necessarily deferential to the scientific basis of monarchism in the 'Blood Royal', would maintain English control of the Gaelic countries within the supernational framework of Great Britain and, with Ireland, the United Kingdom.

2. Hence the need for a unitary control of Scotland, Wales, and Ireland (latterly only that part of Ireland where a loyalist majority is to be found - namely the North) has ensured that the monarchy, as the symbol of union, and the parliamentary mode of democracy, expressive of English civilization, have prevailed not only at religion's expense but also, to a not inconsiderable extent, at the expense of economics, which can only be emancipated from political and/or scientific constraints in a republican framework, and that would hardly be compatible, traditionally, with English civilization's political and scientific control of the Gaelic countries and correlative subversion of their culture.

3. Thus economic liberty in Britain, though particularly in England, has long been associated with Empire, where a greater degree of freedom has existed and, to a much lesser extent, continues so to exist for Englishmen to circumvent the kinds of politically-conditioned economic constraints which the United Kingdom has necessarily put on them at home, even up to and including the present.

4. If formerly, due in no small measure to French and Continental pressures, England had a political interest in dominating the Gaelic countries, such an interest no longer exists now that England is very much a part, if at times resentfully so, of the European Union, and it therefore no longer makes much political sense to maintain a political hegemony at the expense of economics, particularly in light of the increasing economic pressures even from countries outside the European Union, like America and Japan, to economically liberalize.

5. The sort of politically-motivated constraints that were placed on domestic economic growth are clearly no longer desirable or indeed tenable in the post-Empire context, but no free economy, bound to subjective criteria, can be genuinely established so long as the United Kingdom continues to exist and to require, in consequence, both a political and a scientific hegemony, in keeping with the supernational domination by England of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland.

6. Although I write primarily from the standpoint of a cultural deliverance of the Gaels via what I have termed a Centrist Federation ... of Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, in which religious sovereignty (if granted a majority mandate in each of the aforementioned countries) would be the prevailing norm, I am acutely aware of how much England would have to gain from economic liberalization, following the democratically-achieved break-up of the United Kingdom, and the achievement, thereafter, of republicanism for a country that, without Gaels to govern, no longer had need of a unitary symbol, viz. the monarchy.

7. For only in republicanism will England be rid of the crippling constraints upon economic liberalization which the retention of both political and scientific power necessarily maintains. England has only been economically free in relation to her overseas Empire, as during the nineteenth-century heyday of laissez-faire liberalism, but now that most if not all of it is gone, the need for domestic liberalization of the economy becomes all the more pressing, without which no moral progress for England would be possible.

8. Thus the revolution that I hope Social Transcendentalism will bring to the Gaelic countries in due course of its democratic unfolding in relation to the option on religious sovereignty, the sovereignty of 'Kingdom Come', should lead not only to the break-up of the United Kingdom and, by implication, Great Britain, but to the possibility, for England, of a republic, without which economic independence would be impossible to achieve.

9. Even England has something to gain from the Social Transcendentalist revolution that I foresee as so necessary to Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, and deliverance from the civilized criteria of a parliamentary hegemony conjoined, in unholy matrimony, with the barbarous criteria of monarchic authoritarianism, is precisely what will lead to the kind of naturalistic gain I have in mind.

10. Yet, when all's said and done, it is deliverance from both political and scientific freedom, from the female hegemony of water and fire, parliament and monarchy, that will result in economic binding, through republicanism, to the male subjectivity of vegetation, and to a vegetation necessarily deferential, in its properly masculine orientation, towards the airy subjectivity that would characterize the cultural emancipation of the Gaelic countries from English domination within the United Kingdom.

11. Instead of being 'the British Isles', this small archipelago in North-Western Europe would become the Anglo-Gaelic Isles in which a 'new earth' and a 'New Heaven' prevailed on the male side of life, and prevailed at the expense of the 'old purgatory' and the 'Old Hell' which, at the time of writing, continues to thwart both economic and religious growth for its respective peoples in the interests of outmoded political and scientific traditions.

12. Such a female-dominated heathenistic state-of-affairs can be democratically countered, particularly in each of the Gaelic countries, and if my will is done, then we shall presently have new orders in which both the Gaels and the English will profit, after their different, though not necessarily contrary, male dispositions.