CYCLE
NINE
1. It would seem that what I wrote at the
beginning of the above entry about the Gael not being happy with the rule of
monarchism, identified by me with British barbarism, is less true of some
Gaels, namely Protestants, than of others, and that monarchy for them is the
only viable alternative to the papacy of their Catholic counterparts.
2. Certainly, I accept their entitlement to such
an alternative figurehead within the overall context of cultural traditions on
these islands, but I also feel that, deep down, the majority of protestant
Gaels are not particularly happy to be deferring, as subjects, to the emblem of
British rule, since, as I have already endeavoured to make clear, such rule is
something that happened at the Gael's expense, as Anglo-Irish, Anglo-Scottish,
and Anglo-Welsh instruments of English civilization sought to dominate and
subvert his culture, dividing him from fellow Gaels not only in terms of the
British nationalisms of Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, but also, and more
insidiously, through ethnic splintering and factionalism.
3. Since Gaels are principally a cultural
people, religion is a useful tool for dominating them, indeed becomes the most
efficacious tool, especially when coupled to politics and compromised by
monarchy, so that loyalty to the monarch, or to his/her princely offspring, is
enhanced in proportion as the monarchy is identified with the Church, and
culture is thereby paradoxically subverted by its principal enemy, barbarism.
4. So if papacy is the power behind the Catholic
Church, then monarchy becomes the power behind the Protestant one, particularly
in its Anglican manifestation, and it is difficult to see how the majority of
God-fearing Protestants could possibly be anti-monarchist when the monarch or
members of his/her family are associated with their Church, ostensibly as a
'defender-of-the-faith' bulwark against catholic/papal subversion but, in
actuality, as a means, at once cunning and cynical, of guaranteeing loyalty to
an institution with which the majority of Gaels, even when Protestant, can have
no real sympathy, since the source, through British imperialism, of their
undoing as a free nation, now beholden to perfidious Albion through the
paradoxical ploy with which this in many ways anti-cultural nation of civilized
femininity secures their devotion as loyal subjects to the Crown.
5. No, I do not, on deeper reflection, feel that
I overstated the case with regard to Gaelic dissatisfaction with the Devil's
Kingdom, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The catholic Gael may have reason to be more
openly dismissive of and opposed to monarchic rule, given his papal allegiance,
but his Protestant counterpart has been cruelly tricked and artfully deceived
by monarchic subversion, and would not, one feels, be the most ardent
monarchist in the world.
6. Rather, he is one to be pitied for having had
his culture so blatantly undermined and even dominated by that common enemy of
the Gael of whatever denominational persuasion, the English imperialist, whose
barbarous subversion of Gaelic nationhood was most successful when it struck at
its cultural heart and thereby instituted means by which the greater proportion
of Gaels in Scotland and Wales would be divided from their fellow Gaels in
loyalty not to God but to the Devil, with consequences that reverberate down to
the present day.
7. Fortunately, there is a way of reversing and
even ending these centuries of shame, and primarily by using the enemy's own
method: democracy. The Gaelic people can
rise up and affirm their will to cultural self-determination through voting for
religious sovereignty when the opportunity finally comes significantly to
pass. They can paradoxically use
democracy to overturn democracy, to put an end to that which keeps them
divided, both politically and nationally, not to mention culturally, within the
false, or British, parameters of Ireland, Scotland, and Wales.
8. Social Transcendentalism is beyond tricolour
republicanism, even the Gaelic form of it which paradoxically intimates, on an
Anglo-Irish basis with regard to 'Irish nationalism', of the cultural
liberation to come. Such a liberation,
however, can never be politically republican, still less unionist, but only
Social Transcendentalist, since it is about a new nation with a new emblem (the
Supercross) which embraces not only Irish but Scotch
and Welsh Gaels in a Centrist federation of (what are now) Ireland, Scotland,
and Wales.
9. You could say there is a sop here to UK
Unionists, insofar as we are conceiving of a new union (minus perfidious
Albion), but it is one that owes nothing to British imperialism and everything
to the resolve of the Gael to reassert his true sense of nationhood in
supra-national terms, terms which, being cultural, will take him beyond the
divide-and-rule Catholic/Protestant dichotomy, or dialectic, of old into a
Social Transcendentalist synthesis that yet respects the ethnic traditions from
which the different strands of the Gaelic 'nation' will be drawn, allowing them
to achieve an accommodation with Social Transcendentalism on the basis of a
triadic Beyond, duly subdivided along three-way subsections, as described
elsewhere.
10. Thus no-one need fear that they may have to
cultivate self-realization either above or beneath themselves/their selves in
this triadic Beyond. Such a Beyond is
not, I repeat not, only about Heaven, but is also about a New Purgatory
and a New Earth down below the New Heaven that will be the apex and spiritual
focus of 'Kingdom Come'.
11. Such a 'Divine Kingdom', treating this
traditional concept in a metaphorical way, could not exist on any other basis,
since it is akin to a plant, a flower shall we say, whose airy blossom is only
possible because there is a stalk (corresponding to vegetation), and roots
(corresponding to water) down below, the entire structure being heated and
encouraged to grow from a sun-like aside, which would be the totalitarian
context, with members drawn from a variety of political traditions, whose duty
it would be to serve not only the spiritual but also the physical and chemical
needs of the religiously sovereign People.
12. Such a totalitarian context, effectively
corresponding to a Christ-like sacrifice in which the political 'sins of the
World' were borne that the People could go free of them and be saved, in
consequence, to the triadic Beyond, would have to answer to the
'philosopher-king', or Messianic equivalence, since it is his truth, embracing
the concept of religious sovereignty, that makes it possible in the first
place, and it is to him, or his appointees/appointed successor, that it would
have to defer in relation to a wide variety of administrative tasks.
13. His is the ultimate authority,
and the delegation of administrative duties will flow from him in due process
of advancing and maintaining those Social Transcendentalist structures which
will characterize 'Kingdom Come', making it the antithesis, in virtually every
respect, of the
14. Not a United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, but, eventually, a Centrist federation of Ireland, Scotland,
and Wales, with England, and its British (Anglo-Irish, Anglo-Scotch,
Anglo-Welsh) henchmen, very much out of the framework as far as any commitment
to the advancement of Gaelic culture is concerned!
