.

101.   But, of course, there was what I have called a Social Autocratic reaction to Social Democracy, as we may call the economic mode of communism, and this reaction took the scientifically fascist form of the raised-arm extended-hand salute, since it was no less objectively upper-class than the bent-arm clenched-fist salute of Social Democracy  subjectively lower-class, being significant of a kind of absolutely criminal retort to the unduly punishing nature of blue-collar communism, with its ravenous appetite for class justice. 

102.   The most virulent form of scientific fascism was, of course, National Socialism, and in this form, deeply steeped in racial hatred, a bloody conflict was waged with the economic form of communism which led to some of the most savage fighting of World War Two, as an axis that in Britain and even America tended to live in liberal compromise between radical and/or liberal and conservative elements was torn asunder from contrary standpoints, the polarized standpoints of totalitarian punishment in Social Democracy and totalitarian crime in Social Autocracy, better known as Bolshevism and Nazism.

103.   Should there be a Social Bureaucratic reaction to Social Theocracy, presuming upon a like-division or parting of the ways between meritocracy and/or bureaucracy and theocracy and/or technocracy in respect of the rising diagonals of church-hegemonic societies, then such a reaction would take the politically fascist form of the bent-arm extended-hand salute, since it would be no less objectively lower-class than the raised-arm clenched-fist salute of Social Theocracy subjectively upper-class, being significant of a kind of sinful, if not relatively criminal, retort to the absolutely graceful nature (or, rather, nurture) of religious communism. 

104.   Where, exactly, such an arch-conservative reaction, necessarily extreme right-wing on phenomenal rather than noumenal terms, would come to pass, one cannot say for certain; though one can hazard a guess that nominally Catholic countries with large ethnic populations that were less than antihumanistic or transcendentalist but nonconformist, if not fundamentalist, in character would be among the countries most likely to reject Social Theocracy in the event of enhanced grace being regarded as an ethnic threat rather than a mode of salvation from sin which necessarily lifted life to a higher plane.

105.   I do not say that such countries will wage war, in Nazi-fashion, upon any country upholding the religious form of communism, but I would expect them to oppose it in their own sphere of influence or simply not wish to embrace it for fear that it might lead to social unrest among those sections of the masses who, in a manner of speaking, prefer sin to grace and might grow disillusioned with the Church to such an extent that they back the sort of state totalitarianism which I have characterized, in politically fascist vein, as Social Bureaucratic.  For it is only from Social Bureaucracy that the relative crime of phenomenal war would emerge, as though in consequence of a want of sinful respect for grace in the event of the rejection of theocracy.

106.   Frankly, I think such a scenario is unlikely to happen even in the most nominally Catholic of countries; for the Church cannot be swept away or repudiated just like that, as if it were of small account and of no universal significance.  However, for the sake of argument, I have spelt out the terms of what would constitute a politically fascist reaction to religious communism, and outlined for this form of reaction a salute that would stand in a diametrically contrary relationship to the raised-arm clenched-fist salute of Social Theocracy, thereby constituting the lower-class mode of fascist reaction to upper-class communism, the axial antithesis of the relationship between Nazism and Bolshevism as upper-class fascist and lower-class communist adversaries.

107.   Certainly if you go forward on a given axis you can expect some kind of reaction sooner or later, whether criminal to punishing on the descending axis of Social Autocracy-Social Democracy or sinful to graceful on the ascending axis of Social Bureaucracy-Social Theocracy.  For the female side of life can always be expected to conservatively react to male radicalism, whether regressive or progressive, falling or rising, devolutionary or evolutionary, as compromise between liberal means is seemingly undermined and even torn asunder in the interests of enhanced subjectivity, whether of an underground or an overground character of post-worldly, if not otherworldly, proletarianism.

108.   It is not that 'the world' is torn asunder so much as that 'the world' either reacts against otherworldly progress which threatens the right of sin to conservatively or meritocratically exist or netherworldly reaction ensues upon a regressive 'worldliness' which threatens the right of crime to conservatively or autocratically exist.  Hence reaction is not necessarily against progress alone, but can and more usually has been against 'worldly' regress such that takes a Social Democratic form at the expense of liberal democratic and constitutional autocratic norms, where reaction is most violent because criminally appertaining to an upper-class ideal which, traditionally, is the seat of most if not all state power.

109.   I believe that violent reaction to the regressive mode of People's radicalism, much as I would never support or condone it, is always more to be expected in view of the extent to which Social Democracy signifies the nadir of things state hegemonic, beneath even the more liberal forms of punishment and pseudo-sin to which the fallen are sentenced and/or damned, as explained above, in consequence of the extents of their departure from the autocratic ideal of unlawful crime and the aristocratic ideal, or pseudo-ideal, of ungodly pseudo-grace.  For that which is Social Democratic is even further down the autocratic-plutocratic and/or aristocratic-democratic axis than the parliamentary and puritan representatives of plutocratic punishment and democratic pseudo-sin, and can only appear all the more contemptible to upper-class conservatives in consequence.

110.   However, a violent reaction to the progressive mode of People's radicalism would be no less contemptible in view of the extent to which, to turn things around, Social Theocracy would signify the apex of things church hegemonic, beyond even the more liberal forms of grace and pseudo-crime by which the unholy are saved and the unjust released, in consequence of the sincerity of their regret and/or remorse in respect of meritocratic sin and/or bureaucratic pseudo-punishment, something that, if rejected from a less than Catholic standpoint, a heathenistic standpoint of state totalitarianism (which has been characterized as politically fascist), would reduce life to the lowest-common-state-denominator of Social Bureaucracy, and thus to a relative type of crime which would appear all the more contemptible to upper-class radicals in consequence of its repudiation of church-hegemonic criteria in favour of the lowest form of barbarism.

111.   Therefore whilst it could be said, if with regret from a left-wing standpoint, that the counter-regressive reaction of 'the more conservative above' to the regressive action of 'the more radical below' in respect of the notself-oriented descending axis of crime and punishment made some logical sense, it would be difficult if not impossible to logically condone any reaction, necessarily counter-progressive, of 'the more conservative below' to the progressive action of 'the more radical above' in respect of the self-oriented ascending axis of sin and grace, particularly in the event of a less than sinful and effectively criminal displacement of meritocracy by bureaucracy which, in terms of a state-totalitarian repudiation of the Church, would signify the social-bureaucratic nadir of things fascist and, hence, criminal.

112.   I do not, myself, believe that any self-respecting Catholic nation would tolerate such a heathenistic aberration, and therefore I do not see the future as repeating, along fascist/communist lines, the dreadful events of the past, when a low mode of communism invited reaction from a high mode of fascism in relation to an axis which descends from crime to punishment, and can never, under any circumstances, culminate in anything remotely resembling genuine grace and, hence, heavenliness, not least since its autocratic inception, wherein the criminal ideal sits unlawfully enthroned, plays host to an ungodly form of religiosity which, in church-subordinate vein, woefully proclaims its Anglican loyalty to pseudo-grace.

113.   Therefore it is with some well-founded optimism that I proclaim, by contrast, the desirability of genuine grace from a more radically theocratic point of view than anything appertaining to the theocracy which crowns the Roman Catholic Church in the liberal halo of a transcendentalized humanism stemming from Christ.  I do not say that 'the world' should not be overcome; for that is precisely what anything genuinely godly strives to do, not merely defer to it, world-without-sinful-end, but actively and honourably engage upon the noble process of overcoming it, so that what transpires is a shift in power from 'the below' to 'the above', as God 'calls the shots' at the expense of man or, rather, the antihumanist antiman, the antimasculine 'antipricks' who pertain to the meritocratic subversion, church-hegemonically, of bureaucracy, and therefore sinfully condition the terms of reference at the expense of such relative crime as would otherwise prevail in relation to woman, the feminine 'cunts' whose volumetric hegemony over massive mass would be all the more influential in the absence of an overall theocratic control of society, situated in or at least deferring to spaced space, from 'On High'.

114.   There is already a 'world-overcoming' achievement and tendency at large in respect of this meritocratic-theocratic axial paradox, which displaces bureaucracy from what would otherwise be - and in political fascist terms can revert to becoming - a feminine-female control and direction of society in the interests of relative crime, the phenomenal or lower-class type of crime which freely appertains to 'suck*** cunts' as opposed to their 'frigg*** cunt' ('jerk') upper-class counterparts in the rather more naturally female-hegemonic context of metachemical freedom of soma which, as we have seen, has autocratic implications.

115.   There is even, it must be said, a kind of 'world overcoming' achievement and tendency at large in respect of the autocratic-plutocratic axial paradox, which displaces democracy from what would otherwise be - and in economic communist terms can aspire to becoming - a masculine-male control and direction of society in the interests of relative grace, the phenomenal or lower-class type of grace which freely appertains to 'fuck*** pricks' as opposed to their 'snogg*** 'prick' ('bum') upper-class counterparts in the rather more unnaturally or, as it were, 'nurturally' male hegemonic context of metaphysical freedom of psyche which, as we have seen, has theocratic implications.

116.   However, such 'world overcoming' as characterizes the autocratic-plutocratic axis in state-hegemonic primary terms and the aristocratic-democratic axis in church-subordinate secondary terms, is designed to prevent the supersession of crime by punishment and of pseudo-grace by pseudo-sin, since, in reality, the justice of punishment only supersedes the unlawfulness of crime as a sentencing down, and the devil of pseudo-sin only supersedes the ungodliness of pseudo-grace as a damning down, neither of which can or would lead to relative grace when you do not have the conditions for a masculine democratic hegemony to begin with, since such an interpretation of democracy is profoundly puritan and church-hegemonic in character without being in any sense associated with the true church, and grace based or, rather, centred in physical criteria merely confirms, through 'the word' and hence knowledge, the governance of man, not of God, and reduces religion, as indeed life, to narrow earthly parameters wherein the fundamentally false notion of 'heaven on earth' has its misguided place and religion soon revolves around nature and closeness to nature as a neo-Edenic interpretation, necessarily false, of paradise.

117.   I despise and repudiate such a mundane reduction of religion to the earthly parameters of man and of human knowledge, which is, after all, 'forbidden fruit' in any paradise which stands closer to God, as to Truth, and for the simple reason that it makes that which is physical take on more importance, in the eye of its beholder, than what is metaphysical and therefore germane to a higher order of knowledge which, in its infinite scope, is commensurate with truth and thus the overcoming of ego, as of man.

118.   Therefore any religion which is genuine and thus true ... will reject the world, including the relative grace of physical knowledge, in the interests of the otherworldly knowledge which, centred in the absolute grace of God, of Truth, leads to Joy and, hence, Heaven.  The 'earthly paradise' is a false trail which leads nowhere but down, further and deeper into worldly delusion and, ultimately, despair, torment, pain - in a word, the diabolical justice of punishment! 

119.   One could not reasonably advocate such a trail whilst adhering to genuine religion, to theocracy, and if the autocratic opponents of democracy, of democratic religion, do not advocate such a trail it is not because they are in favour of genuine religion (their aristocratic acquiescence in pseudo-grace demonstrates that fact adequately enough!), but rather in favour of protecting and advancing their own criminal interests which, no matter how incredibly it may seem to those 'down below', appertain to an ideal, the unlawful ideal of state-hegemonic crime.

120.   Of course, one would like both that and them not to exist, but that is another matter, and one which cannot be addressed without reference not only to what also exists as sentenced/damned down the autocratic-plutocratic and aristocratic-democratic axis of the diagonally descending type of society (which must be held back, as far as possible, from Social Democratic descent into the dark depths of earthly hell) but, more significantly from a moral standpoint, to what exists as saved/released up the meritocratic-theocratic and bureaucratic-technocratic axis of the diagonally ascending type of society, wherein it might be hoped that the sinful unholy and pseudo-punishing unjust were destined to be finally 'overcome' in the interests of a higher order of grace and pseudo-crime, an order commensurate with a new and more advanced stage of 'world overcoming' in which the godly and lawful, now radically progressive,  'called the shots' to the end of eternal universality and the development, within a framework of religious sovereignty, of 'Kingdom Come'.

121.   For in that theocratic and technocratic way of progressively developing life to ever-greater evolutionary heights lies the true and ultimate justification of 'world overcoming', not merely on relative Christian terms, but on absolute transcendentalist terms, the Messianic terms of Social Theocracy, such that would lead life beyond 'the world' ... of sinful stain and pseudo-punishing guilt ... to a 'Kingdom of God' centred, for ever more, in the purity of grace and the innocence of pseudo-crime, the partnership of an ultimate church/state symbiosis which transmutes the terms of church and state from relative co-existence to an increasingly centralized absolutism which I have in the past termed Centrist and identified, contrary to any political moderation, with 'the Centre', as that which, in overhauling church/state relativity, would stand as the omega-oriented antithesis to the Kingdoms of autocratic antiquity, when theocracy, to the extent it existed, was more often than not subsumed into autocracy and the godly, or what pertains to God, effectively subordinated if not to the Devil, in the he-devil earthly sense we have identified with a 'damning down' the church-subordinate axis of aristocracy-democracy, then certainly to Devil the Mother, as the unlawful 'first mover' of cosmic primacy.

122.   Consequently 'Kingdom Come' is anything but a Kingdom in that more authentic sense wherein religion is subverted by science and the Devil or, rather, Devil the Mother gets to play God the Father or even to preclude God the Father through an undue emphasis upon the Satanic Antison of Antigod, roughly corresponding, in sequential time, to a solar 'fallen angel', which enacts somatic emphasis, contrary to male gender reality of psyche preceding and predominating over soma, under hegemonic female stellar pressures from spatially 'on high', where even at this cosmic stage of life it could be said, in no uncertain terms, that soma precedes and predominates over psyche. 

123.   Our coming 'Kingdom', to repeat, will be Centrist in the way that, in the event of a majority mandate for religious sovereignty following a paradoxical utilization of the democratic process by a people given to church-hegemonic criteria who could be expected to favour such a paradoxical utilization of the State to a higher church end, it would serve the religiously sovereign People from the standpoint of an executive presidency that was responsible for bearing the 'sins and/or pseudo-punishments' of the meritocratic/bureaucratic 'world' in order that the People, as electorate, could be delivered from them to the context of religious praxis which has, in previous texts, been identified with the triadic Beyond, including, below the transcendentalist tier, both modified humanist and nonconformist tiers for persons of, in general terms, Anglican and Puritan denominational descent who would be entitled to take their predestined place beneath those of Catholic descent in the overall hierarchical structure, necessarily pluralist to begin with, of 'the Centre'.

124.   Initially this can only happen, as previously explained, in countries like Ireland (both South and North) and, hopefully, Scotland and Wales, along the lines of a kind of Gaelic federation which would facilitate, democratically and peaceably, the break-up of the United Kingdom and thus of the chief obstacle to theocratic progress that comes, in England, from autocracy and, as described in an earlier text, drives England further into the crime-obsessed arms of the perpendicular triangular culture of autocratic America at the expense of Europe, including countries like France and Germany.

125.   Hopefully, such countries, together with Russia, will come to an accommodation with Social Theocracy in due course; for it is important that Europe comes together and stands firm against Anglo-American opposition and reaction to radical progress, since such reaction, although more usually and understandably directed at radical regress in the form of Social Democracy, owes more to autocratic factors than to anything else and only when autocracy has been sufficiently undermined in Britain in consequence of the democratic dismantlement of the United Kingdom via the development, bit by bit, of a Gaelic federation (of Ireland, Scotland, etc.) will there be any possibility of England ceasing to be a problem both for Europe and the wider world in general, as the prospects for a republic and a rapprochement with the Roman Catholic Church as a precondition of subsequent moral progress grow increasingly likely, not least in respect of a disestablished Anglican Church that would cease to simply exist in the shadow of autocratic state freedom, but become more open to meritocratic and theocratic options in pro-Catholic vein.