76.  Thus whereas God is gracefully 'On High', the Devil is pseudo-sinfully 'down below', the former appertaining in properly religious terms to the upper-class manifestation (transcendentalist) of a church-hegemonic axis, the latter, in pseudo-religious terms, to the lower-class manifestation (humanist) of a church-subordinate axis, both of which, however, are male.

77.  If one is sentenced to 'the world', as defined above, by Justice, with a view to worldly guilt in punishment, then one is released from 'the world', as defined in contrary terms above, by Law, with a view to otherworldly innocence in pseudo-crime.

78.  Thus whilst one is sentenced in state-hegemonic society from crime to punishment, falling diagonally from autocracy to plutocracy, one is released in state-subordinate society from pseudo-punishment to pseudo-crime, rising diagonally from bureaucracy to technocracy.  The Justice of plutocracy sentences down from anti-idealist (materialist) crime to antirealist (naturalist) punishment, being commensurate, in her lower-class lowness, with such punishment; the Law of technocracy releases up from realist (antinaturalist) pseudo-punishment to idealist (antimaterialist)  pseudo-crime, being commensurate, in her upper-class highness, with such pseudo-crime.

79.  Thus whereas Justice is punishingly 'down below', Law is pseudo-criminally 'On High', the former appertaining in properly political terms to the lower-class manifestation (antirealist) of a state-hegemonic axis, the latter, in pseudo-political terms, to the upper-class manifestation (idealist) of a state-subordinate axis, both of which, however, are female.

80.  No less than the grace of God and the pseudo-criminality of the Law go hand-in-glove, as two aspects of the same subjectively-oriented upper-class reality or, rather, ideality led - though not exclusively characterized - by male criteria, so do the punishment of Justice and the pseudo-sin of the Devil go hand-in-glove, as two aspects of the same objectively-oriented lower-class ideality or, rather, reality governed - though not exclusively characterized - by female criteria.

81.  Therefore one is either saved/released up from the sinful/pseudo-punishing 'below', or one is sentenced/damned down to the punishing/pseudo-sinful 'below', depending on one's axial orientation within a given type of society, be it criminally free in autocratic state hegemony on the one hand, or gracefully free in theocratic church hegemony on the other hand, the corollary of the former being pseudo-graceful binding in aristocratic church subordination and the corollary of the latter being pseudo-criminal binding in technocratic state subordination.

82.  That which is diagonally above Justice/the Devil is not the Law/God, as defined above, but what is unlawful/ungodly in its state criminality and church pseudo-grace.

83.  That which is diagonally beneath God/the Law is not the Devil/Justice, as defined above, but what is unholy/unjust in its church sinfulness and state pseudo-punishment.

84.  Therefore although state criminality poses as Law and church pseudo-grace as God, God and the Law are only to be found in church grace and state pseudo-criminality, which stand to metachemical freedom and antimetaphysical binding in the antithetical terms of metaphysical freedom and antimetachemical binding, or that which is sensibly noumenal as opposed to sensually noumenal.

85.  Therefore although church sinfulness poses as the Devil and state pseudo-punishingness as Justice, Justice and the Devil are only to be found in state punishment and church pseudo-sin, which stand to the theocratically-conditioned upended paradoxes of antiphysical freedom and chemical binding in the antithetical terms of the autocratically-conditioned upended paradoxes of antichemical freedom and physical binding, or that which is sensibly phenomenal as opposed to sensually phenomenal.

86.  One falls in primary terms from Unlawfulness (criminality) to Justice (punishment) and in secondary terms from Ungodliness (pseudo-grace) to the Devil (pseudo-sinfulness) in connection with the descending axes of autocracy-plutocracy and aristocracy-democracy, but rises in primary terms from Unholiness (sin) to Godliness (grace) and in secondary terms from Injustice (pseudo-punishment) to the Law (pseudo-criminality) in connection with the ascending axes of meritocracy-theocracy and bureaucracy-technocracy.

87.  God and the Law are no less the theocratic/technocratic radical end of things rising (evolving) than Justice and the Devil are the plutocratic/democratic radical end of things falling (devolving); for in the Beginning of the one axis there is an unholy/unjust conservative hope of things Godly and Lawful, and in the Beginning of the other axis an unlawful/ungodly conservative fear of things Just and Devilish.

88.  Now imagine a situation in which there is a conservative hope of things Godly and Lawful because of the sinful unholiness and pseudo-punishing unjustness which obtains in relation to a theocracy/technocracy which liberally defers to 'the world' by absolving sin and accepting pseudo-punishment through a type of grace and order of pseudo-crime which is implicit rather than explicit, latent rather than developed, and therefore inclined, for all its conditioning influence on 'the below', to play second-fiddle, as it were, to what more prevalently obtains there in relation to the worldly Many.

89.  Such a situation typifies the church-hegemonic meritocratic-theocratic axis and the state-subordinate bureaucratic-technocratic axis which currently exists in, for example, the Republic of Ireland, where you have explicit sin and implicit grace, the grace not of transcendental meditation as graceful praxis in humanized transcendentalism but of verbal absolution in response to penitential contrition as an aspect of the transcendentalized humanism of Christianity proper, and, coupled to this, explicit pseudo-punishment and implicit pseudo-crime, the crime not of a presidential executive as pseudo-criminal praxis in idealism but of a titular presidency in response to the legislative representativeness of the realism of the existing republican constitution.

90.  This is the situation of 'the world' when 'the world' as meritocracy/bureaucracy, sin and pseudo-punishment, has not been 'overcome' but effectively keeps the overworld of theocracy/technocracy, grace and pseudo-crime, pegged to its own lower-class limitations and short of that otherworldly transmutation commensurate, through a higher and, in its synthetic artificiality, more genuine order of transcendentalism and idealism, with 'Kingdom Come'.

91.  Yet 'Kingdom Come' is not the reinstatement of monarchy in some future Kingdom with divine and/or heavenly intentions, but a church-hegemonic context of Social Theocracy that stands above and beyond the liberal theocracy which, through Roman Catholicism, characterizes the religious status quo, and such a context would be determined (in the event of a majority mandate for religious sovereignty, the sovereignty of 'Kingdom Come' which would supersede political sovereignty and ensure that the People had rights in respect of a religious development that was totally independent of anything worshipfully subservient to anterior factors, including the so-called 'Creator'), would be determined, I repeat, to reverse the fulcrum of power, so to speak, which characterizes 'the world' of meritocracy/bureaucracy in favour of its fulcrum being the theocracy/technocracy which would characterize the otherworldly context of a religiously sovereign people coupled to a politically sovereign leader, responsible for bearing the sins and/or pseudo-punishments of 'the world', as church and state took on a Social Theocratic/Technocratic standing which explicitly replaced implicit grace with the more authentic grace of transcendental meditation, duly transmuted from anything Buddhist in respect to the necessity for the urban proletariat of synthetically artificial criteria, and explicitly replaced, through a new written constitution suited to the legal arrogation of political sovereignty in response to a democratic exchange of such sovereignty on the part of the masses for religious sovereignty, implicit pseudo-crime with the more authentic pseudo-crime of a presidential executive such that would be empowered, in the name of the religiously sovereign People, to serve the advancement of that sovereignty by all means in its state power, including, besides the advancement of the institutional and cultural structures of religious sovereignty for a religiously sovereign church (people), the removal, bit by bit and place after place, of whatever remained of the old order and stood in the way of further theocratic progress, the residues of meritocratic sin and bureaucratic pseudo-punishment not least of all!

92.  For 'Kingdom Come' cannot be run on the basis of 'the below' calling the shots but, being otherworldly in its upper-class orientation, requires to be run from 'On High' in the interests of a religiously sovereign People that, in the event of having provided a majority mandate at 'Judgement', or the choice between 'the world' of sin and pseudo-punishment and 'the overworld' of grace and pseudo-crime, will have been saved from sin to grace, and therefore require to be served in such upper-class fashion, a fashion commensurate with a presidential executive which would have the power to reshape society in the interests of a theocratic freedom which was not merely liberal, and effectively deferential to sin, but radical to the point of Social Theocracy, the extreme-left-wing communist counterpart to Social Democracy which, being low and physical, approaches communism from an economic standpoint rather than from a religious standpoint in respect of a metaphysical disposition intended to save society, or a certain type of society (primarily meritocratic-theocratic), to the graceful heights as opposed to sentence a contrary type of society (primarily autocratic-plutocratic) to the punishing depths, depths which, in criminalizing the bourgeoisie, condemn the People to eternal punishment as that which must henceforward punish itself or disintegrate for want of anything better to do.

93.  For we cannot even speak here of the People's having been damned to pseudo-sin when the criteria primarily at work are secular and associated, in consequence, with crime and punishment, with unlawfulness and justice, in autocratic-plutocratic fashion, such aristocracy and democracy as is unearthed, as from under the hegemonic dead-weight of a stone of state power and antiglory, failing to deliver 'heaven on earth' for want of genuine religiosity in relation to a context, an axial mean, which defies religion and relegates it, in pseudo-graceful and pseudo-sinful terms, to Limbo, a shadow-world presided over by the atheistic ungodly, who are or become as demons punishing devils that are only too ready, in the pseudo-sinful earthiness of 'fuck*** hell', to punish themselves.

94.  No, we shall not make the error of investing a fundamentally secular context like Social Democracy with religious attributes and dimensions which it would be ill-qualified and ill-equipped to develop!  Social Democracy can never bring 'heaven to earth' for the simple reason that it remains profoundly irreligious in its secular, or economic, estimate of society and, by extension, life in general, and the nadir thereby of a state-hegemonic axis whose punishment is class justice.

95.  Social Democracy remains the victim, for all its messianic and apocalyptic rhetoric, of an axial tradition dominated, in female vein, by state-hegemonic criteria appertaining to crime and punishment, and there is no way that it can extricate itself from that fate and cultivate anything approximating to genuine grace.  Its polarities are of wealth and poverty, and when the poor cannot punish the wealthy through their elected representatives, then the poor will punish themselves or, rather, unelected representatives of the poor will punish the poor in the name of some elusive paradise which, for all its religious rhetoric, would return society to a collectivistic variant on the status-quo ante in which state wealth replaced state poverty in the interests of neo-autocratic crime.

96.  No, there cannot be 'heaven on earth' where there is no capacity for anything heavenly, or graceful, to begin with, but only earthly justice as the precondition of a new form of unlawful crime.  'Heaven on earth' or, more correctly, 'anti-earth', for all its shortcomings, is closer to the theocratic absolution of sins which the meritocratically sinful receive through penitential contrition, and even that is inadequate, as we have seen, from the standpoint of what is more genuinely godly and graceful and indisposed, in consequence, to forgive sin, since once 'the world' of meritocratic sinfulness had been judgementally overcome there would be little or no sin to forgive, in any case, and much more incentive and scope for the cultivation of grace.

97.  Thus those who live in hope of redemption from sin can only be truly saved via Social Theocracy, which will set about designing means whereby grace becomes the rule and sin the exception, a rule that can only be upheld and furthered by the correlative existence of pseudo-crime which releases, in its upper-class innocence, from the guilt of pseudo-punishment as its church-hegemonic counterpart saves from the mortal stain of sin to the immortal purity of authentic grace in transcendentalist praxis, a praxis duly informed and characterized by synthetically artificial criteria such that portend the development of cyborgization towards a sensible peak which will be the omega point of Heaven, not merely of a 'heaven on anti-earth', but of Heaven in space, the space-centre omega point of a heavenly per se.

98.  There are the 'fuck*** pricks' of Social Democracy who lead down deeper into the earth, as towards Hell, and there are the 'snogg*** pricks' ('bums') of Social Theocracy who lead up deeper into space, where Heaven can peak in perfect self-realization of soul.  Both, however, are extreme left-wing, albeit in diametrically opposite ways - the economic form of communism that, to a large extent, stems from Marx, and the religious form of communism that stems, to no little extent, from Nietzsche, albeit I have done much to clarify and concretize the terms of engagement whereby this higher form of communism, or People's radicalism, comes to pass as that which is properly representative of 'Kingdom Come', since it is not about the transformation of mass poverty into mass wealth but of mass hope into mass or, rather, space charity, a kindly attitude towards the self, the soul, which develops out of any such attitude towards others which, in the sinful past, has been fostered by the spirit duly informing, or transmuting, ego.

99.  Because both forms of communism, like anything radically male, are oriented towards enhanced subjectivity, they are characterized by clenched-fist saluting, whether on bent-arm or raised-arm terms, the difference, after all, between earth and sky, blue-collar and white-collar proletarianism, the lower-class democratized plutocracy of state socialism or the upper-class technocratized theocracy of church transcendentalism - in short, between the bent-arm clenched fist of Social Democracy and the raised-arm clenched fist of Social Theocracy.

100.   Confusions and ambivalences in the past were doubtless due to a plethora of factors, not least the want of a clear-cut or, indeed, any distinction between these two approaches to communism, but followed from the subsuming of what I would now call Social Theocratic tendencies into Social Democracy under the prevailing influence of Marxism on communism, and therefore the economic interpretation of history and class struggle which owes a lot more to autocracy-plutocracy and even, in church-subordinate vein, to aristocracy-democracy than ever it does to anything meritocratic-theocratic or, in state-subordinate vein, bureaucratic-technocratic, all the more regrettable when peoples closer to the latter pairings were co-opted to criteria stemming from the former pairings under the misguided influence of persons who, like Marx and Lenin, studied abroad and were influenced by currents of thought that arguably owe more to English, if not Anglo-American, traditions than to anything properly Continental, not excepting the French Revolution.