PART TWO
Some maintain that music isn't a necessity, like
food and drink, but a luxury, and I have to say that I believe such people to
be body-over-mind types who fail to understand that for certain others, usually
those of a mind-over-body disposition, music is necessary and therefore a necessity because, quite apart from
the possibility of professional or vocational commitments, the soul requires to
be fed since man, particularly in the case of males, does not live by bread
alone. Starved of cultural nourishment, not least in respect of music, the soul
of those who are mind-over-body would succumb to depression and lethargy to an
extent that could well lead to a loss of appetite and, hence, pose a danger to
life and limb. Music is not simply a luxury for those who, more usually as
males, are mind-over-body, as it may well be for those, on the contrary, who
are body-over-mind, the great majority of whom I would suppose to be female.
Rather it is a cultural necessity that helps keep the soul alive and well, that
is, capable of responsive feeling in consequence of a more positive attitude to
life. Starved of music the soul would die and, with it, the body would cease to
be soulfully animated but become a mere self-perpetuating automaton, bereft of
sensibility and the possibility of higher feeling. But that would still
contrast with those whose healthy bodies, bolstered by carnal appetites, are
not incompatible with dead minds, the sort of people who, being body-over-mind,
don't really need music because their sense of life derives from the body and
its sensual nourishment. And so much so that the absence of
music, at least in any recognizably soul-oriented mode, would not necessarily
impair their bodily well-being.
To claim that all people are the same,
irrespective of gender and its vacuous/plenemous,
objective/subjective, somatic/psychic, individual/collective,
competitive/cooperative, particle/wavicle
distinctions, broadly speaking, between females and males, would be grossly
mistaken, since any androgynous approach to mankind, such as is evidenced by
the exponents of unisexual liberalism, with its gender neutrality, can only do
a disservice to gender and, hence, to life conceived in terms of a gender
struggle, or struggle between the genders. Quite apart from the
gender-extrapolative distinctions of class, race, ethnicity (culture &
religion), and occupation, mankind is subject to a constant struggle of
opposing forces that can never be reconciled because whatever common ground
there is between them is undermined by their antithetical natures as female and
male, making it as though peripheral to their respective inclinations. I
believe the attempt to achieve a common ground between people irrespective of
their gender, to emphasize their common humanity, as it were, derives from a
liberal perspective on life which is quintessentially worldly and, hence,
atomic, with androgynous predilections that fight shy of gender differences
from a kind of neutral standpoint designed to accommodate both genders, as far
as possible, to a middle-ground position in which, paradoxically, gender
ceases, in almost unisexual vein, to be an issue. One can see how the English
language, in avoiding gender in its treatment of nouns, adjectives, adverbs,
and so on, facilitates this tendency through a process of gender neutralization
congenial to a liberal view of life and the avoidance thereby of certain moral
issues, not least those presented by religion from the standpoint of a type of
gender discrimination going back to the concept of 'original sin' and on
towards Christ's advice to male followers of his to leave females of one sort
or another behind in order to 'take up the Cross', as it were, and climb the
hill towards salvation from female domination, and hence heathen values
generally, that leads to paradise or, in eschatological terminology, to the
gender-based divisions of 'Kingdom Come' in which metaphysical values would be
hegemonic over pseudo-metachemical ones in a
structural paradigm of saint and neutralized dragon, or lamb and neutralized
wolf.
The dominance of females over males is aided
and abetted by science and politics, the dominance of males over females … by
economics and religion. If religion is undermined by science or economics by
politics, then the only consequence, whether with a noumenal
(scientific) or a phenomenal (political) bias, will be the dominance of males
by females and a form of civilization characterized by outer and sensual values
in relation to a predatory impulse. Just as science is the enemy of religion
and politics the enemy of economics, so there are philosophers who, espousing
science over religion or politics over economics, are the enemies of economic
or religious philosophers, serving only to advocate superficial approaches to
civilization characterized by female dominion which effectively subvert philosophy
from standpoints contrary to a love of wisdom and the pursuit, thereby, of
truth. If scientific philosophers are the most false and political philosophers
the more (relative to most) false type of philosopher, then economic
philosophers are the more (relative to most) true and religious philosophers
the most true type of philosopher. In fact, the religious philosopher, being
most true, is alone he for whom metaphysics takes positive precedence over
physics and chemistry negative precedence over metachemistry,
the element of the scientific philosopher par excellence. For metaphysics and
chemistry, being elementally hegemonic, are axially polar (on opposite gender
terms), and therefore both separate from and contrary to the axial polarity
established (likewise on opposite gender terms) between metachemistry
and physics, which are also elementally hegemonic.
1. Just as metachemistry
over pseudo-metaphysics is axially polar, on state-hegemonic/church-subordinate
terms, to physics over pseudo-chemistry, with a same gender polarity between metachemistry and pseudo-chemistry on the one hand (overall
female) and pseudo-metaphysics and physics on the other hand (overall male),
the former primary and the latter secondary, so a like polarity exists, in
overall axial terms, between autocracy over aristocracy and plutocracy over
meritocracy, with autocracy and meritocracy polar on overall female terms
(primary state-hegemonic/church-subordinate) and aristocracy and plutocracy
polar on overall male terms (secondary state-hegemonic/church-subordinate).
2. Similarly, just as metaphysics over pseudo-metachemistry is axially polar, on
church-hegemonic/state-subordinate terms, to chemistry over pseudo-physics,
with a same gender polarity between metaphysics and pseudo-physics on the one
hand (overall male) and pseudo-metachemistry and
chemistry on the other hand (overall female), the former primary and the latter
secondary, so a like polarity exists, in overall axial terms, between theocracy
over technocracy and democracy over bureaucracy, with theocracy and bureaucracy
polar on overall male terms (primary church-hegemonic/state-subordinate) and
technocracy and democracy polar on overall female terms (secondary
church-hegemonic/state-subordinate).
Therefore the overall polarity between
autocracy/aristocracy and plutocracy/meritocracy, corresponding to metachemistry/pseudo-metaphysics and
physics/pseudo-chemistry, necessarily excludes that between
theocracy/technocracy and democracy/bureaucracy, corresponding to metaphysics/pseudo-metachemistry and chemistry/pseudo-physics, since the more
of the one type of polarity the less of the other, and vice versa.
1.
The more
autocracy/aristocracy the less, on similar albeit lower-order gender structural
terms, democracy/bureaucracy, and, correlatively, the more
plutocracy/meritocracy the less, on similar albeit higher-order gender
structural terms, theocracy/technocracy, since the one type of structure
necessarily excludes the other.
2.
Similarly
if conversely, the more theocracy/technocracy the less, on similar albeit
lower-order gender structural terms, plutocracy/meritocracy, and,
correlatively, the more democracy/bureaucracy the less, on similar albeit
higher-order gender structural terms, autocracy/aristocracy, since the one type
of structure necessarily excludes the other.
3.
Hence it is
logical that metachemistry/pseudo-metaphysics should
form an axial polarity with physics/pseudo-chemistry, in order to guarantee for
both autocracy/aristocracy and plutocracy/meritocracy as little interference or
competition as possible from their respective lower- or higher-order structural
counterparts, whether the disciplinary or elemental parallels happen, in the
one case, to be female over pseudo-male or, in the other case, male over
pseudo-female.
4.
Likewise it
is logical that metaphysics/pseudo-metachemistry
should form an axial polarity with chemistry/pseudo-physics, in order to
guarantee for both theocracy/technocracy and democracy/plutocracy as little
interference or competition as possible from their respective lower- or
higher-order structural counterparts, whether the disciplinary or elemental
parallels happen, in the one case, to be male over pseudo-female or, in the
other case, female over pseudo-male.
1.
In the past
I have tended to equate aristocracy with pseudo-theocracy and technocracy with
pseudo-autocracy, so that we have had an antithesis between
autocracy/pseudo-theocracy and theocracy/pseudo-autocracy, which would
correspond to the above distinctions between autocracy/aristocracy and
theocracy/technocracy.
2.
Similarly I
have tended, in the past, to equate bureaucracy with pseudo-plutocracy and
meritocracy with pseudo-democracy, with a cross-axial antithesis between
democracy/pseudo-plutocracy and plutocracy/pseudo-democracy corresponding to
the above distinctions between democracy/bureaucracy and
plutocracy/meritocracy.
3.
Another way
of making such distinctions would be to equate autocracy with science and
aristocracy with pseudo-religion on the one hand, and theocracy with religion
and technocracy with pseudo-science on the other hand, which would neatly
tie-in with our long-established antithesis between metachemistry/pseudo-metaphysics
and metaphysics/pseudo-metachemistry.
4.
Likewise
one could equate democracy with politics and bureaucracy with pseudo-economics
on the one hand, and plutocracy with economics and meritocracy with
pseudo-politics on the other hand, which would just as neatly tie-in with the
long-established antithesis between chemistry/pseudo-physics and
physics/pseudo-chemistry.
Be that as it may, I have no doubt that just as
the hegemonic elements on the church-hegemonic/state-subordinate axis
stretching from the southwest to the northeast points of the intercardinal axial compass are democracy and theocracy, or
politics and religion, with subordinate corollaries in bureaucracy and
technocracy, or pseudo-economics and pseudo-science, so the hegemonic elements
on the state-hegemonic/church-subordinate axis stretching from the northwest to
the southeast points of the intercardinal axial
compass are autocracy and plutocracy, or science and economics, with
subordinate corollaries in aristocracy and meritocracy, or pseudo-religion and
pseudo-politics. For if you have genuine science in one context (metachemistry), it can only be pseudo in another (pseudo-metachemical); if you have genuine politics in one context
(chemistry), it can only be pseudo in another (pseudo-chemical); if you have
genuine economics in one context (physics), it can only be pseudo in another
(pseudo-physical); and if you have genuine religion in one context
(metaphysics), it can only be pseudo in another (pseudo-metaphysical). That, it
seems to me, is logically incontrovertible and subject to proof by example of
the way in which each axis operates according to which gender is hegemonic in
any given context, be it noumenal or phenomenal,
ethereal or corporeal, absolute or relative.
1.
Hence
autocracy is only genuine in a metachemical context
characterized by scientific freedom, not in a pseudo-metachemical
context characterized by the binding of science pseudo-scientifically, or technocratically, to religious freedom in metaphysics. Or
put the other way around, theocracy is only genuine in a metaphysical context
characterized by religious freedom, not in a pseudo-metaphysical context
characterized by the binding of religion pseudo-religiously, or
aristocratically, to scientific freedom in metachemistry.
2.
Likewise
democracy is only genuine in a chemical context characterized by political
freedom, not in a pseudo-chemical context characterized by the binding of
politics pseudo-politically, or meritocratically, to
economic freedom in physics. Or put the other way around, plutocracy is only
genuine in a physical context characterized by economic freedom, not in a
pseudo-physical context characterized by the binding of economics
pseudo-economically, or bureaucratically, to political freedom in chemistry.
So just as the distinction between genuine
science and pseudo-science is an autocratic/technocratic one, so the
distinction between genuine religion and pseudo-religion is a
theocratic/aristocratic one; and just as the distinction between genuine
politics and pseudo-politics is a democratic/meritocratic
one, so the distinction between genuine economics and pseudo-economics is a
plutocratic/bureaucratic one, with autocracy/aristocracy polar to
plutocracy/meritocracy on state-hegemonic/church-subordinate axial terms, and
theocracy/technocracy polar to democracy/bureaucracy on
church-hegemonic/state-subordinate axial terms, the former polarity or, more
correctly, polarities effectively excluding, on all but a kind of dotted-line
peripheral axial basis, the latter ones from the mainstream functioning of
representative state-hegemonic/church-subordinate criteria, and the latter
polarities likewise effectively excluding, on all but a kind of dotted-line
peripheral axial basis, the former ones from the mainstream functioning of
representative church-hegemonic/state-subordinate criteria. Which is a credible
enough explanation of the distinctions between Britain and Ireland or, more
pedantically at this point in time, of the United Kingdom and the Republic of
Ireland, even without axially unrepresentative trends or tendencies at large in
each case.
1.
Metachemistry/pseudo-metaphysics,
corresponding to autocracy/pseudo-theocracy (aristocracy), is a pairing
characterized by the dominance of competitive individualism in relation to
science over pseudo-cooperative collectivism in relation to pseudo-religion.
2.
Metaphysics/pseudo-metachemistry, corresponding to theocracy//pseudo-autocracy
(technocracy), is a pairing characterized by the dominance of cooperative
collectivism in relation to religion over pseudo-competitive individualism in
relation to pseudo-science.
3.
Chemistry/pseudo-physics,
corresponding to democracy/pseudo-plutocracy (bureaucracy), is a pairing
characterized by the dominance of competitive individualism in relation to
politics over pseudo-cooperative collectivism in relation to pseudo-economics.
4.
Physics/pseudo-chemistry,
corresponding to plutocracy/pseudo-democracy (meritocracy), is a pairing
characterized by the dominance of cooperative collectivism in relation to
economics over pseudo-competitive individualism in relation to pseudo-politics.
1.
In analogous
terms, spatial space, or space per se, over sequential time, or pseudo-time, is
equivalent to science over pseudo-religion, which is in turn equivalent to
autocracy over pseudo-theocracy (aristocracy), and that is of course equivalent
to metachemistry over pseudo-metaphysics.
2.
Conversely
repetitive time, or time per se, over spaced space, or
pseudo-space, is equivalent to religion over pseudo-science, which is in turn
equivalent to theocracy over pseudo-autocracy (technocracy), and that is of
course equivalent to metaphysics over pseudo-metachemistry.
3.
Similarly,
volumetric volume, or volume per se, over massed mass, or pseudo-mass, is
equivalent to politics over pseudo-economics, which is in turn equivalent to
democracy over pseudo-plutocracy (bureaucracy), and that is of course
equivalent to chemistry over pseudo-physics.
4.
Conversely
massive mass, or mass per se, over voluminous volume,
or pseudo-volume, is equivalent to economics over pseudo-politics, which is in
turn equivalent to plutocracy over pseudo-democracy (meritocracy), and that is
of course equivalent to physics over pseudo-chemistry.
One fancies that just as
theocracy/pseudo-autocracy (technocracy) would look askance, back across the
upper-order axial divide, at autocracy/pseudo-theocracy (aristocracy), so
plutocracy/pseudo-democracy (meritocracy) would look askance, back across the
lower-order axial divide, at democracy/pseudo-plutocracy (bureaucracy), since
sensibility over pseudo-sensuality must regard itself as being in some sense morally
superior to sensuality over pseudo-sensibility, whether with regard to noumenal (ethereal) or phenomenal (corporeal) antitheses.
Yet, in overall axial terms, theocracy/pseudo-autocracy (technocracy) is
prepared to exist in polarity with democracy/pseudo-plutocracy (bureaucracy),
as noumenal sensibility/pseudo-sensuality in polarity
with phenomenal sensuality/pseudo-sensibility, for the sake of excluding undue
interference or parallel competition (in relation to the hegemony of phenomenal
cooperative collectivism over pseudo-competitive individualism) from
plutocracy/pseudo-democracy (meritocracy), while, likewise,
plutocracy/pseudo-democracy (meritocracy) is prepared to exist in polarity with
autocracy/pseudo-theocracy (aristocracy), as phenomenal sensibility/pseudo-sensuality
in polarity with noumenal
sensuality/pseudo-sensibility, for the sake of excluding undue interference or
parallel competition (in relation to the hegemony of noumenal
cooperative collectivism over pseudo-competitive individualism) from
theocracy/pseudo-autocracy (technocracy). Hence both the ideologies of the
celestial city and the terrestrial city are prepared and even perforce obliged
to accommodate polarities with not parallel but opposites types of nature, viz.
the terrestrial nature, as it were, of democracy/pseudo-plutocracy
(bureaucracy) in the case of theocracy/pseudo-autocracy (technocracy), and the
celestial nature, or supernature, of
autocracy/pseudo-theocracy (aristocracy) in the case of
plutocracy/pseudo-democracy (meritocracy), so that competition from their
parallel types of nature, viz. autocracy/pseudo-theocracy (aristocracy) in the
case of theocracy/pseudo-autocracy (technocracy), and
democracy/pseudo-plutocracy (bureaucracy) in the case of
plutocracy/pseudo-democracy (meritocracy) is minimized if not effectively
excluded.
1.
Logically,
I can find no reason to contest the contention that the competitive
individualism of science and the cooperative collectivism of religion are noumenally incompatible, as incompatible, in effect, as
space per se and time per se, the former spatial and the latter repetitive.
2.
Likewise I
can find no logical reason to contest the contention that the
pseudo-cooperative collectivism of pseudo-religion and the pseudo-competitive
individualism of pseudo-science, the former subordinate to science and the
latter to religion, are pseudo-noumenally
incompatible, as incompatible, in effect, as pseudo-time and pseudo-space, the
former sequential and the latter spaced.
3.
Similarly,
there is no logical reason to contest the contention that the competitive
individualism of politics and the cooperative collectivism of economics are
phenomenally incompatible, as incompatible, in effect, as volume per se and
mass per se, the former volumetric and the latter massive.
4.
Likewise I
can find no logical reason to contest the contention that the
pseudo-cooperative collectivism of pseudo-economics and the pseudo-competitive
individualism of pseudo-politics, the former subordinate to politics and the
latter to economics, are pseudo-phenomenally incompatible, as incompatible, in
effect, as pseudo-mass and pseudo-volume, the former massed and the latter
voluminous.
As noted above, competitive individualism is
chiefly characteristic of the female side of life, as in general terms of
females, who have to compete on an individual basis for males, while
cooperative collectivism is chiefly characteristic of the male side of life, as
in general terms of males, who profit more from cooperating on a collective
basis than from competing on such a basis, never mind on an individual basis,
though of course what I have termed pseudo-cooperative collectivism can be
interpreted as implying a degree of competitiveness under pressure from
competitive individualism, whether noumenal or
phenomenal, the converse of pseudo-competitive individualism implying a degree
of cooperation under pressure from cooperative collectivism, again whether in
relation to the noumenal or the phenomenal planes.
Democracy, which is republican, will tend to
favour proportional representation, in contrast to the 'first past the post'
preference of pseudo-democracy which, being meritocratic,
favours the retention of a parliamentary oligarchy in the interests of
plutocratic continuity under the hegemony of economics over pseudo-politics, or
physics over pseudo-chemistry. That is why, in Britain, proportional
representation, like its pseudo-economic corollary, socialism, is effectively a
'dead letter', the product of delusion or naivety on the part of certain
politicians, since the hegemony of economics over politics ensures that only a
pseudo-political outcome is possible, the converse of the pseudo-economic
subordination to politics more characteristic of countries, like the Republic
of Ireland, which favour some degree of socialism in relation to proportional
representation within a republican context, a context governed by the hegemony
of democracy over bureaucratic pseudo-plutocracy in reflection of a
chemical/pseudo-physical pairing traditionally standing at the foot of the
metaphysically- and pseudo-metachemically-dominated
church-hegemonic/state-subordinate axis. Yet this, in contrast to Britain, is
also the tradition, extending into religion on the mass Catholic level, of
competitive individualism being hegemonic over pseudo-cooperative collectivism,
as volumetric volume over massed mass, which tends to favour the politically
competitive individual at the expense of the pseudo-economically
pseudo-cooperative collective, so that political republicanism is more prominent,
in its hegemonic sway, than socialism or any analogous form of pseudo-economic
subservience. Small wonder that the plutocratic/meritocratic
British look askance, across the lower-order axial divide, at the
democratic/bureaucratic Irish! Which is only, after all, the phenomenal
parallel to the theocratic/technocratic Irish looking askance at the
autocratic/aristocratic British where noumenal, or
upper-order, axial antitheses are concerned. For neither people are, or ever
could be, simply phenomenal or noumenal, corporeal or
ethereal. And, as noted above, axial polarity across the noumenal-phenomenal divide ensures that both the British
and the Irish are compromised by their respective noumenal
or phenomenal opposites. The phenomenal British may look askance at the
democracy/bureaucracy of the phenomenal Irish, but their own
plutocracy/meritocracy is compromised by axial co-existence with the
autocracy/aristocracy of the noumenal British,
thereby ensuring a minimum of interference from the axially subversive threats
posed by theocracy/technocracy. And no matter how morally contemptuous of
autocracy/aristocracy the noumenal Irish may be,
their own theocracy/technocracy is compromised by axial co-existence with the
democracy/bureaucracy of the phenomenal Irish, thereby ensuring a minimum of
interference from the axially subversive threats posed by
plutocracy/meritocracy. What could be more paradoxical? And yet that is how the
British/Irish divide traditionally stacks up, and there is no reason, short of
a major revolution in ethnicity, to anticipate any change.