76.  Therefore the state-hegemonic realities of autocracy and democracy, ever ruled by (diabolic) female criteria in respect of crime and punishment, condition society to place an emphasis upon work at the expense of play, and generally tend to produce a work ethos which, in typically female fashion, is rather more of a curse than a blessing, particularly if and when Social Democratic criteria were to ensue upon liberal criteria and manual labour was resurrected as an 'ideal' in respect primarily of the blue-collar urban proletariat who become the pseudo-democratic equivalent to the slaves of free autocracies, except that their rulers are a pseudo-autocratic sensual elite all too ready to accuse them of anti-people crimes and to punish them through enforced labour.

77.  Naturally, the latter tends not to happen - at least on a grand scale - in long-established autocratic-democratic societies, who would have too much to lose from being displaced by Social Democratic usurpers who, in pseudo-autocratic fashion, punish the Many rather than the Few and brand the Many with crimes that traditionally would have been reserved, where applicable, for the Few.  But it has happened in countries which weren't even properly autocratic-democratic to begin with, and which paid the price of their naiveté at the hands of British-educated and/or influenced bourgeois malcontents and rebels whose political ambitions were greater than their political wisdom.

78.  And in relation to one form or another of Social Democracy not a few other countries became more autocratic than they might otherwise have been, even Social Autocratic, and simply reacted against radical democrats in a more blatantly criminal manner, punishing as 'crime' that which was really the refutation of crime but not, on that account, the solution to it.  For there is no solution to crime that comes from a punishing extrapolation from crime, but simply a perpetuation of crime and punishment on other, and usually inverted, terms.

79.  The only way to defeat crime is not through punishment, which crime itself legitimizes, but through a turning away from both crime and punishment, autocracy and democracy, in favour of bureaucracy and theocracy, sin and grace, with a view to the rejection of sin in grace and an end to both man and the world in consequence, a world-overcoming which has but one end in mind, and that is the otherworldly acceptance of 'Kingdom Come' as the necessary outcome to evolutionary progress, to progress conceived in relation, quite correctly, to a diagonal rise from bureaucracy to theocracy which has the capacity to culminate, through revolutionary transvaluation, in Social Theocracy.

80.  For the church-hegemonic realities of bureaucracy and theocracy, ever led by (divine) male criteria in respect of sin and grace, condition society to place an emphasis upon play at the expense of work, and generally tend to produce a play ethos which, in typically male fashion, is rather more of a blessing than a curse, particularly if and when Social Theocratic criteria were to ensue upon liberal criteria and psychical play was resurrected as an ideal in respect primarily of the white-collar urban proletariat who would then become the more genuinely theocratic successors to the priests of liberal theocracy who would have verbally forgiven sin, but not encouraged grace in respect of transcendental meditation. 

81.  Therefore from being sinners in Roman Catholicism the People would become graceful in Social Theocracy, graceful to the extent of a synthetically artificial approach to transcendentalism which was not only beyond transcendental meditation but genuinely otherworldly in relation to 'Kingdom Come' and the 'resurrection of the dead' which, in relation to the Afterlife, was the eternal purpose and justification of such a Kingdom. 

82.  Whereas Social Democracy criminalizes the People and punishes them through physical work, thereby resurrecting the hell of pro-notself behaviour at the expense of the anti-notself behaviour typifying the psychically-oriented 'world' of the democratically punishing, Social Theocracy would be determined to gracefully ennoble the People and deliver them from sin through psychical play, which is the mode of play according with pro-self behaviour in contrast to any anti-self behaviour typifying the physically-oriented 'world' of the bureaucratically sinful.  

83.  Far from reducing life in Social Democratic fashion to the lowest-common-denominator of physical work, Social Theocracy would be determined to elevate life to the highest-uncommon-denominator of psychical play, thereby reflecting that it issues, in evolutionary vein, from a diagonally rising axis of bureaucracy-theocracy rather than from a diagonally falling axis of autocracy-democracy which was always going to be more devolutionary in respect of hegemonic female criteria.

84.  Such a theocratic/democratic distinction between the two types of left-wing People's ideology has been characterized, if rather politically, in terms of white- and blue-collar proletarians; though this is of course only one of a number of alternative approaches to the problem, not the least of which would be to underline the ethnic division between Catholics and Protestants, or the tribal division between Celts and Anglo-Saxons, or even the topographical division at the back of everything else  between highlanders and lowlanders, the airy and the earthy. 

85.  No one set of terminological referents is wholly satisfactory, since there are always a number of factors at large which have to be accounted for, and although I have often made mention of urban proletarians in recent texts, and even identified them with a largely atheistic disposition vis-à-vis the 'old gods' of the Christian and even pre-Christian pantheon, I have not been so politically reductionist as to exclude the underlying influence of their religious traditions which render even the most seemingly secular of proletarians accountable to some denominational persuasion, whether Catholic or Protestant, or what have you, which enables us to distinguish church-hegemonic societies from church-subordinate societies and, correlatively, state-subordinate societies from state-hegemonic societies, with those in the former contexts bureaucratic-theocratic and those in the latter ones autocratic-democratic.

86.  No more than the proletariat, whether white- or blue-collar, came to pass in a void that had no basis in tradition, does tradition cease to apply in even the most radical of proletarians, whether we conceive of that tradition primarily in religious or ethnic or racial, or whatever terms.  We are the sum of all past generations, and we carry our inheritance, for better or worse, with us at all times. 

87.  He who tries to reduce life to a blank page upon which any claim can be written so long as it appears to lead to a desired end is guilty of confusing literature with life!  Life is ever more complicated and comprehensively exacting than literature, and when literature is mature enough to realize as much, it ceases to criminally strive to dominate life from the narrow standpoint of selected fact, but comes rather gracefully to understand it in the interests of truth, which is ever the refutation of fact and the beginning of life of a higher and deeper order, an inner order which owes more to self than to not-self, and thus to psyche than to soma.

88.  Thus (to repeat) far from reducing life, in Social Democratic fashion, to the lowest-common-ideological-denominator of physical work, Social Theocracy, stemming from a contrary and more self-oriented axis, will strive to elevate life to the highest-uncommon-ideological-denominator of psychical play, thereby freeing proletarianism from the clutches of humanism as transcendentalist criteria increasingly prevail in the interests of graceful redemption. 

89.  Frankly I have not in the past tended to identify the urban proletariat with humanism but, rather, conceived of them in post-human(ist) terms as that which, in the synthetic artificiality of its urban characteristics, was closest to a cyborg actuality and futurity without being consciously aware of or committed to such a destiny, and precisely because it still languished, whether officially or unofficially, under the humanistic influence of both the capitalistic bourgeoisie and their socialistic offshoots along the autocratic-democratic axis whose ideological persuasion is such as to dissuade people from thinking in theocratic terms, least of all in relation to the doctrine that man is something that should be overcome ... in the interests of God.

90.  In fact, so much is this narrowly humanistic approach to the proletariat still taken for granted in England, that mention of someone's being left-wing automatically confers a radical democratic association upon that person whether in parliamentary or, more usually, extra-parliamentary terms.  For the autocratic-democratic axis leads nowhere else but down, down towards a Social Democratic nadir, and such a nadir, no matter how radically conceived, is still couched - and in the nature of things democratic can only be couched - in humanistic terms, with a consequence that proletarianism itself is reduced, in Marxist vein, to a narrowly humanistic conception as a logical extrapolation from bourgeois humanism.

91.  And yet even English proletarians, quite apart from the large numbers of urbanized people in England who are not English, are more usually post-humanist in their synthetic artificiality and refusal to identify too closely with criteria that would reduce life to the rule of man and the persistence of mere physical criteria, not least in respect of work.  There is ever a shadow bureaucratic-theocratic axis at play in England, especially where Catholics are concerned, and such an axis points upwards, towards the godly transcendence of 'the world', with particular reference to that aspect of it which, in paradoxically vegetative fashion, is more characterized by sin than by (watery) punishment and thus by nominally hegemonic women than by nominally hegemonic men, albeit the women are still subject to criteria extrapolated from a theocratic hegemony characterized, in (divine) male vein, by airy grace, and have their not-self affirming chemical mean antiphysically subverted in consequence.

92.  Therefore to conceive of left-wing progress solely in democratic terms, which in any case are doubtfully progressive, is the mark of a humanistic limitation, reminiscent of Sartre, which owes nothing to bureaucracy-theocracy and much if not everything to autocracy-democracy, and such a conception can only appear woefully misguided from a genuinely progressive standpoint, in which the Nietzschean notion that man is something that should be overcome is given a transcendentalist twist commensurate with the acceptance of a radically new approach to the metaphysical sensibility of godliness, as of God, and the concomitant possibility of divine grace, a possibility to which the post-human(ist) urban proletariat should be capable of responding as and when they are made aware of their true destiny and come, with judgement, to a decision, democratically mandated, as to whether they wish to remain subordinate to humanistic, not to mention nonconformist, criteria or elect for the cyborg transcendentalism of 'Kingdom Come', in which they would have rights proportionate to religious sovereignty and be able, within an increasingly cyborg-oriented framework, to develop self and/or constrain not-self in the interests of salvation, which is, above all, deliverance from ego to soul with a view to the achievement of heavenly bliss.

93.  Of course, I have never conceived of 'Kingdom Come' solely in relation to transcendentalism, to godliness; for much as that may constitute the top tier of our projected triadic Beyond it would have less applicability to the middle and bottom tiers, to tiers primarily reserved for people of Anglican and Puritan descent who, released from the governing clutches of fundamentalist and humanist elites within their respective churches, would revert to a sort of secondary mode of transcendentalism tempered, in representative vein, by transmuted humanist and nonconformist criteria in respect of 'vegetative' and 'watery' shortfalls from an airy per se, as discussed in a number of earlier texts. 

94.  I shall not repeat myself all over again, but the reader should have some idea, by now, as to what I am getting at, as to the fact that I am alluding to Irish or Celtic Protestants vis-à-vis their Catholic counterparts within the triadic Beyond, which would have to be served by an antibureaucratic administrative aside responsible for safeguarding the religiously sovereign interests and rights of the People in relation, primarily, to transcendentalism, and thus to the lead of genuinely godly criteria, which would be committed, in synthetically artificial fashion, to the salvation of God in Heaven, as of the metaphysical ego in the metaphysical soul, or truth in joy.

95.  Therefore 'Kingdom Come' is conceived within a pluralistic framework which takes what is there to be taken from the pluralistic status quo of multi-denominational proletarianism and moulds it to a Social Transcendentalist mean itself subdivided into various tiers and, as the reader may recall, subsections relative to both gender and class (of male).  In overall terms, the triadic Beyond may be proletarian, or conceived with respect to the urban majority of any given society, but there is a sort of class hierarchy between blue- and white-collar proletarians at every level, as between chemical females in the bottom subsection of all tiers, physical males in the middle subsection of all tiers, and metaphysical males in the top subsection of all tiers, as different approaches to transcendentalism, both in relation to any given elemental position and as filtered through humanist (in the case of physical males) or nonconformist (in the case of females) shortfalls from it which would nevertheless be expected to defer to the overall lead of transcendentalism, as germane to metaphysics and thus to the metaphysical elites, with particular reference to the transcendentalist per se in the top tier of the triadic Beyond.

96.  To me, a proletarian hierarchy arranged on something approximating to the above description is not classless, even if the comparative absence of bourgeois, clerical, and feudal criteria relative to plutocrats, meritocrats, and aristocrats would qualify the triadic Beyond, ever characterized by a theocratic utilization of technocracy to a graceful end, for some such recognition in classical Marxist or Social Democratic estimations.

97.  I, however, do not think like a classical Marxist or anything else democratically left-wing, and therefore I am not prepared to consider anything to be genuinely classless until there is nothing but what most pertains to transcendentalism, and therefore to God and Heaven, left of what remains to 'Kingdom Come' when once it becomes truly godly and heavenly, as it should do eventually, after many decades if not centuries (within the overall framework of eternity) of fine-tuning, so to speak, the triadic Beyond and administrative aside towards a more totalitarian end, a goal set not on earth centres but in space centres some distance above the earth where transcendentalism would peak in respect of the attainment of the Beyond to its maximum grace and holiness, its maximum truth and joy in the timeless bliss of eternity.

98.  Therefore classlessness when once all pluralism has been overcome in the interests of a divine oneness, a divine unity of God and Heaven, as the culmination point of 'Kingdom Come' when once the Beyond ceases to be triadic, or even duadic, but becomes blissfully monadic, blissfully at one with itself in relation to God and Heaven, or, more correctly, to the transcendence of God in Heaven. 

99.  Therefore eternal classlessness as the outcome, the culmination, of 'Kingdom Come', and only comparatively germane to our projected triadic Beyond as the starting point, in proletarian transcendentalism (as post-humanism would have become by then), of what lies beyond the class-bound world of both bourgeois humanism and clerical nonconformism and/or feudal fundamentalism, not to mention their secular counterparts in naturalism, realism and materialism, to which the idealism of the administrative aside to the triadic Beyond would appear no less classless than anything properly transcendentalist.

100.   It could be argued, in church/state vein, that the chemical mean (compromised by antiphysical factors) of worldly sin and pseudo-punishment is thus divisible between the nonconformism of a hegemonic church and the realism of a subordinate state in which meritocratic criteria appertaining to bureaucracy obtain, whereas the metaphysical mean (compromised by antimetachemical factors) of otherworldly grace and pseudo-crime is likewise divisible between the transcendentalism of a hegemonic church and the idealism of a subordinate state in which technocratic criteria appertaining to theocracy obtain.